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Reducing Racial Inequality in Crime and Justice Science, Practice, and Policy Committee on Reducing Racial Inequalities in the Criminal Justice System Khalil Gibran Muhammad, Bruce Western, Yamrot Negussie, and Emily Backes, Editors Committee on Law and Justice Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education Consensus Study Report Prepublication Copy - Uncorrected Proofs
NATIONAL ACADEMIES PRESS 500 Fifth Street, NW Washington, DC 20001 This activity was supported by contracts between the National Academy of Sciences and Arnold Ventures (20-05123), Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation No. INV-025407, the Joyce Foundation (SG-20-43354), National Academy of Sciences Cecil and Ida Green Fund, National Academy of Sciences W.K. Kellogg Fund, Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (78590) Russell Sage Foundation (2010-28361), William T. Grant Foundation (201726). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of any organization or agency that provided support for the project. International Standard Book Number-13: 978-0-309-XXXXX-X International Standard Book Number-10: 0-309-XXXXX-X Digital Object Identifier: https://doi.org/10.17226/26705 This publication is available from the National Academies Press, 500 Fifth Street, NW, Keck 360, Washington, DC 20001; (800) 624-6242 or (202) 334-3313; http://www.nap.edu. Copyright 2022 by the National Academy of Sciences. National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine and National Academies Press and the graphical logos for each are all trademarks of the National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Suggested citation: National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. 2022. Reducing Racial Inequality in Crime and Justice: Science, Practice, and Policy. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. https://doi.org/10.17226/26705.
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Consensus Study Reports published by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine document the evidence-based consensus on the studyâs statement of task by an authoring committee of experts. Reports typically include findings, conclusions, and recommendations based on information gathered by the committee and the committeeâs deliberations. Each report has been subjected to a rigorous and independent peer-review process and it represents the position of the National Academies on the statement of task. Proceedings published by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine chronicle the presentations and discussions at a workshop, symposium, or other event convened by the National Academies. The statements and opinions contained in proceedings are those of the participants and are not endorsed by other participants, the planning committee, or the National Academies. Rapid Expert Consultations published by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine are authored by subject-matter experts on narrowly focused topics that can be supported by a body of evidence. The discussions contained in rapid expert consultations are considered those of the authors and do not contain policy recommendations. Rapid expert consultations are reviewed by the institution before release. For information about other products and activities of the National Academies, please visit www.nationalacademies.org/about/whatwedo.
COMMITTEE ON REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALTIES IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM KHALIL GIBRAN MUHAMMAD (Co-chair), Harvard Kennedy School BRUCE WESTERN (Co-chair), Columbia University DARYL ATKINSON, Forward Justice ROBERT D. CRUTCHFIELD, University of Washington RONALD L. DAVIS, 21CP Solutions, LLC (Committee member through 9/22/2021) HONORABLE BERNICE DONALD, Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit FRANCIS (FRANKIE) GUZMAN, National Center for Youth Law ELIZABETH HINTON, Yale University NIKKI JONES, University of California, Berkeley TRACEY MEARES, Yale University DEREK NEAL, University of Chicago STEVEN RAPHAEL, University of California, Berkeley NANCY RODRIGUEZ, University of California, Irvine ADDIE ROLNICK, University of Nevada, Las Vegas ROBERT J. SAMPSON, Harvard University JEFFREY SEDGWICK, Justice Research and Statistical Association MARIA VELEZ, University of Maryland Staff: YAMROT NEGUSSIE, Study Director ELLIE GRIMES, Research Associate DARA SHEFSKA, Communications Specialist (through March 2022) AARON WARNICK, Communications Specialist (from June 2022) STACEY SMIT, Program Coordinator EMILY P. BACKES, Deputy Board Director v
COMMITTEE ON LAW AND JUSTICE ROBERT D. CRUTCHFIELD (Chair), University of Washington (retired) SALLY S. SIMPSON (Vice Chair), University of Maryland ROD K. BRUNSON, University of Maryland SHAWN D. BUSHWAY, University at Albany PREETI CHAUHAN, John Jay College of Criminal Justice KIMBERLÃ W. CRENSHAW, University of California, Los Angeles MARK S. JOHNSON, Howard University CYNTHIA LUM, George Mason University JOHN M. MACDONALD, University of Pennsylvania KAREN J. MATHIS, American Bar Association (retired), University of Denver THEODORE A. MCKEE, United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, Philadelphia SAMUEL L. MYERS, JR., University of Minnesota EMILY OWENS, University of California, Irvine CYNTHIA RUDIN, Duke University WILLIAM J. SABOL, Georgia State University LINDA A. TEPLIN, Northwestern University Medical School NATACHA BLAIN, Senior Board Director EMILY P. BACKES, Deputy Board Director STACEY SMIT, Program Coordinator vi
Preface The history of the U.S. criminal justice system is marked by racial inequality. Across time and space numerous racialized populations from the indigenous tribes of North America to Central American immigrants at todayâs southern U.S. border have been a focus of attention for the nationâs police, courts, and prisons. The most researched among these groups are African Americans, whose enslavement stood as a visible exception to the founding principles of universal liberty, liberal democracy, and natural rights. W.E.B. DuBoisâs (1899) study of Philadelphiaâs Seventh Ward at the end of the 19th Century was among the earliest studies to link high rates of crime and arrest in Black neighborhoods of the city with structural inequalities and discrimination. Thorsten Sellin (1928) documented the high rates of conviction, and prison sentencing among Black defendants in the mid-1920s, and also traced the historic connections of chattel slavery to chain gangs and prison farms in the American South (Sellin, 1976). The high rate of imprisonment among Black Americans has been well-documented for the entire 20th Century and into the 21st Century. As we will see in the following chapters, todayâs researchersâlike DuBois a century agoâtrace disparate incarceration to conditions of crime, poverty, and segregation and a punitive policy response that flourished under such conditions. Racial disparity in incarceration was a major theme of an earlier National Research Council report (2014), and shortly before this committee first met, in 2020, the nation had experienced its largest racial justice protests in opposition to police brutality. Since the 1990s, various members of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicineâs Committee on Law and Justice, which oversaw this report, have made efforts to support a consensus study on racial inequality in the criminal justice system. While many of these efforts were unsuccessful, the 2014 publication of the NRC report on high rates of incarceration helped build the research case for a more targeted examination of race and racism. The committee was compelled by the urgent need to respond to the disproportionate numbers of police stops, court appearances, and prison and jail admissions among Black, Latino, and Native Americans. Earlier NRC reports had sometimes examined research on racial inequality in the criminal justice system, but they had concentrated on specific stages of criminal processing, and racial inequality was never the main focus. For example, a report in 1983 on sentencing policy made an important and detailed examination of research on racial discrimination in sentencing and incarceration. The report concluded that there was a large racial disparity in imprisonment, but âfactors other than racial discrimination in sentencing account for most of the disproportionate representation of blacks in U.S. prisonsâ (NRC, 1983, p. 13). Another NRC report in 2004, on policing, found that the âclass and gender of suspectsâ have little influence on police behavior, but âmore research is needed on the complex interplay of race, ethnicity, and other social factorsâ (NRC, 2004b, p. 3). In 2018, an NRC report was published on proactive policing, including a close examination of research on racial bias in hot spot and other pro-active policing tactics. The 2018 report described the testimony of a community advocate who asked: âWhy arenât you doing anything to invest in the reasons why this is a hot spot in the first place?â (NRC, 2018, p. 274). The report went on to observe, âThe choice of policing as a response to crime problems is in itself a policy decision that has implications for communities.â The charge to the proactive policing committee, however, was not broad enough to consider how policing vii
functions within a broad social system of racial inequalities, inclusive of the criminal justice system, and the greater systemâs impact on crime. The current report should be understood to stand in this line of work by the National Academies on race and the criminal justice system, and as the most comprehensive effort to date. In this study, because of the pioneering efforts of Jeremy Travis and Ruth Peterson, racial inequality is the central focus of the statement of task and the committeeâs charge takes in the whole criminal justice system in relation to a broad consideration of societal factors. The criminal justice system does not operate in a vacuum and never has. We are asked to review research to explain why there are such large racial inequalities in crime, victimization, and criminal justice involvement, and to offer evidence-based advice on reducing inequality. The topic is vast and in places we have necessarily traded off breadth for depth. In the committeeâs perspective, the criminal justice system is a complex interlocking apparatus and part of the challenge of understanding racial inequality involves understanding the operation of the system as a whole. Large crime policy projects, like the War on Drugs and the War on Crime that were mounted in the 1980s and 1990s, involved thousands of agencies including state legislatures, police departments, prosecutors, and prison authorities. Racial inequality is not produced by any one stage of the system, but is the combined product of each stage in the sequence. In addition to institutional complexity, police, courts, and prisons, are deeply embedded in a racially unequal society that has denied opportunity to communities of color (e.g., Black, Hispanic/Latino, and Native Americans) and preserved socio-economic advantages for White Americans. Through segregation, unequal public investment, and a political acceptance of enduring and spatially-concentrated poverty, White Americans have mostly lived in vastly different social worlds than people of other racial groups. In Black, Latino, and Native American neighborhoods and communities where crime and poverty are more prevalent, the criminal justice system is the dominant response to crime. In White neighborhoods and communities, the public policy approach to safety does not depend chiefly on the threat of arrest and incarceration. The committee has tried to absorb the lessons of research on racial inequalities in crime and the criminal justice system to propose policies that might reduce both. Criminal justice reform has a fundamentally important role to play in reducing racial inequality. Hundreds of policy initiatives are currently unfolding around the country that aim to reduce the burden of unnecessary or harmful state supervision in Black, Latino, and Native American communities, while also reducing crime. We have tried to learn from some of the most important of these examples in proposing future directions for policy. The committee also studied many of the efforts undertaken through community-led initiatives and social policies that try to build a different kind of safety and well-being that relies less on police and prisons. We have also tried to draw lessons from these examples, while acknowledging the political challenges. The committee acknowledges the importance of the inclusion of lived experience with the criminal justice system throughout this process, which we have integrated through committee perspective, our information-gathering process, and dissemination efforts (see below for artwork created for the report). Finally, we see a critical role for the federal government to seed new initiatives, and help promote a paradigm shift that can change the relationship of citizens of color to the American state. Instead of depending mostly on punitive measures by the state to deliver safety, a United States without racial inequality would find safety in greater prospects of opportunity, healthier communities in which to live and accountability for harm would involve setting viii
relationships right. In such a world, the criminal justice system might even be deserving of its name. We offer this report in the hope of such an outcome. Khalil Gibran Muhammad, Co-chair Bruce Western, Co-chair Committee on Reducing Racial Inequalities in the Criminal Justice System Title: Untold Artist: Jemaell Riley Year: 2022 Artist statement: I am unfortunate to be one of those cast away by society. The decade removed from my life are the pages of some untold story that most will never know and a story I never wish to relive. This is not uniqueâin this art is a picture of those lost pages, scattered, full of lives from every community, race, and creed who will struggle to find the meaning of being forgotten. ix
Acknowledgments This report would not have been possible without the contributions of many people. First, we thank the sponsors of this study: Arnold Ventures, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, National Academy of Sciences Cecil and Ida Green Fund, National Academy of Sciences W.K. Kellogg Fund, Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Russell Sage Foundation, The Joyce Foundation and William T. Grant Foundation. Special thanks go to the members of the study committee, who dedicated extensive time, thought, and energy to the project on a compressed timeline under unprecedented conditions during the coronavirus pandemic. In addition to systematic literature reviews and drawing from its own research and expertise, the committee received input from several outside sources, whose willingness to share their perspectives and experience was essential to the committeeâs work. The committee began its work with a series of public information gathering sessions, where committee members engaged with a diverse set of researchers, practitioners, and representatives directly impacted by the criminal justice system.1 The committee and project staff thank the many speakers and discussants who provided research, data, and testimony to inform the committeeâs study process. The committee and project staff also thank the group of stakeholders and officials who shared their practiced-based expertise: Nicole Banister (National Governorâs Association), Edwin Bell (National Center for State Courts), Michael Buenger (National Center for State Courts), Jae K. Davenport (Virginia Secretary of Public Safety and Homeland Security), Amanda Essex (National Conference of State Legislatures), Elizabeth Glazer, ((former) Mayorâs Office of Criminal Justice, New York), Kalyn Hill ((former) National Governorâs Association), David Hureau (University at Albany), Jacquelyn Katuin (Virginia Secretary of Public Safety and Homeland Security), Alison Lawrence (National Conference of State Legislatures), Jeffrey Locke (National Governorâs Association), Brett Mattson (National Association of Counties), Karhlton Moore (Ohio Office of Criminal Justice Services), Anne Teigen (National Conference of State Legislatures), Andy Wilson (Office of Governor Mike DeWine, OH). To inform its report, the committee built on a synthesis of research on the social drivers of racial disparities in policing. The committee would like to thank Roland Neil (University of Pennsylvania) for contributing this valuable resource to the committeeâs process. The committee also elicited input from âlistening sessionsâ where perspectives were shared regarding direct work with barriers and innovative solutions to reducing racial inequalities in the criminal justice system. The committee thanks the following individuals: Annita Lucchesi (Sovereign Bodies Institute), Amber Miller (Yurok Tribal Court), Christina Gilbert (National Juvenile Defender Center), Currey Cook (Lambda Legal), Shelby Chestnut (Transgender Law Center), Toni-Michelle Williams (Solutions Not Punishment Collaborative), Donald Anthonyson (Families for Freedom), Jane Shim (Immigrant Defense Project), Paromita Shah (Just Futures Law), Ravi Ragbir (New Sanctuary Coalition), and Sirine Shebaya (National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild). This Consensus Study Report was reviewed in draft form by individuals chosen for their diverse perspectives and technical expertise. The purpose of this independent review is to provide candid and critical comments that will assist the National Academies of Sciences, 1 For more information on the committeeâs public information gathering sessions, including agendas and video recordings, see https://www.nationalacademies.org/our-work/reducing-racial-inequalities-in-the-criminal- justice-system. x
Engineering, and Medicine in making each published report as sound as possible and to ensure that it meets the institutional standards for quality, objectivity, evidence, and responsiveness to the study charge. The review comments and draft manuscript remain confidential to protect the integrity of the deliberative process. We thank the following individuals for their review of this report: Amanda Y. Agan (Department of Economics and Program in Criminal Justice, Rutgers University), Phillip Atiba Goff (Department of African American Studies and Center for Policing Equity, Yale University), John M. McDonald (Department of Criminology, University of Pennsylvania), Theodore A. McKee (United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, Philadelphia, PA), Daniel S. Nagin (H.J. Heinz School of Public Policy, Carnegie Mellon University),Victor M. RÃos (Department of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara), Cassia Spohn (School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Arizona State University), Heather A. Thompson (Departments of Afro-American and African Studies and Department of History, University of Michigan), and Jeffrey T. Ulmer (Criminal Justice Research Center, Pennsylvania State University). Although the reviewers listed above provided many constructive comments and suggestions, they were not asked to endorse the conclusions or recommendations of this report nor did they see the final draft before its release. The review of this report was overseen by Bradford H. Gray (Urban Institute) and Anne Morrison Piehl (Rutgers University). They were responsible for making certain that an independent examination of this report was carried out in accordance with the standards of the National Academies and that all review comments were carefully considered. Responsibility for the final content rests entirely with the authoring committee and the National Academies. The committee members were fortunate to have the additional research support from staff in their respective institutions and provides thanks to the following individuals: Teresita Cruz Vital (University of California, Berkeley), Madison Dawkins (The Square One Project), Evie Lopoo (The Square One Project), Toryn Sperry (University of Maryland, College Park) and Caroline J. Zhai Lefever (Yale Law School). The committee also wishes to extend its gratitude to the staff of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, in particular to Yamrot Negussie, for her expert direction of this study from beginning to end, and Emily Backes, who made critical substantive contributions in the conception, writing, and editing of the report. Ellie Grimes provided essential coordination and research and writing support throughout the consensus study process. Stacey Smit provided key administrative and logistical support and ensured the committee process ran efficiently and smoothly. Throughout the project, Natacha Blain, director of the Committee on Law and Justice, provided oversight. From the Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, we thank Kirsten Sampson-Snyder, Douglas Sprunger, and Ron Warnick who shepherded the report through the review process and assisted with its communication and dissemination. Thanks are also due to Dara Shefska for her skilled contributions to the communications of the report, and to Abigail Allen and Briana Smith for their fact-checking assistance. We also thank Marc DeFrancis for his skillful editing and Christopher Lao-Scott for providing research and fact-checking assistance. Bruce Western, Co-chair Khalil Gibran Muhammad, Co-chair Yamrot Negussie, Study Director Committee on Reducing Racial Inequalities in the Criminal Justice System xi
Contents Summary 1 Introduction The Committeeâs Charge Study Approach Committee Methodology Key Terms and Concepts Race Racial Disparities and Inequality in Criminal Justice Structural Racism Historical Roots of Racial Inequality in Crime and Justice Colonial and Antebellum America The Civil War and Its Aftermath The Progressive Era to World War II The Criminal Justice System in the 21st Century Addressing Racial Inequalities through Public Policy Report Organization 2 Racial Disparities in Victimization, Offending, and Involvement with the Criminal Justice System Victimization Property and Non-Lethal Violent Crimes Homicide Victimization Differences in Arrests and Criminal Offending Arrests Patterns of Offending by Race Interactions with Police Officers Basic Patterns Regarding Stops, Search, and Search Outcomes Hit-Rate Analyses of Stops Involving Searches Uses of Force and Police Involved Shootings Nature of Interactions between Police and the Public Evidence Concerning Public Safety Delivery Pretrial Detention Plea Bargaining, Trials, and Sentencing Sentencing and Correctional Trends Executions Community Supervision Synthesizing the Evidence Conclusion Appendix Figures and Tables xiii
3 Social Drivers of Racial Inequalities in Crime and Justice Historical Legacies Contemporary Racial Inequalities Concentrated Disadvantage and Violence: A Closer Look at Trends Compounded Adversities and Social Mechanisms Modeling Racial Gaps in Crime Research Gaps Conclusion 4 Criminal Justice Drivers of Racial Inequalities Conceptualizing Racial Inequality The Explained vs. Unexplained Racial Differences Framework Criminalization The Forms and Expansion of Racial Criminalization Criminal Justice Contact as Cumulative Disadvantage Early Exposure to the Criminal Justice System Policing Racial Differences in Police Contacts Neighborhood Context Stops and Arrests Pretrial Decision-Making and Charging Pre-Trial Release and Detention Plea Sentencing and Incarceration Conditions of Imprisonment The Consequences of Conviction and Incarceration Probation, Parole, and Supervision Legal Financial Obligations Conclusion 5 Introduction to Part II Guiding Principles to Reduce Racial Inequality in the Criminal Justice System Reckoning and Reconciliation Participation, Accountability, and Transparency Impacted Community Voices Heterogeneity Applying a Historical Lens to Inform Criminal Justice Policy Concluding Observations 6 Community-Driven Safety and Reducing Harm Defining Community and Community Well-Being Collective Efficacy and Neighborhood Social Organization What Is Needed for Success Community-Driven Initiatives Community-Centered Approaches to Justice xiv
Community-Driven Accountability Efforts Community-Based Anti-Violence Efforts Community-Driven Responses to Intimate Partner Violence Community-Led Efforts to Mitigate System Harm Expanding the Evidence Base Measuring Community Social Organization and Views on Safety Conclusion 7 Non-Criminal Policy Approaches to Reduce Racial Inequalities in Crime and Justice Improving the Material Well-Being of Communities Policies and Programs to Address Underinvestment Place-Based Approaches Labor Market Solutions Public Health Approaches to Violence Firearm Violence and Related Policies Reducing Harmful Environmental Exposures Alcohol Outlets and Community Violence Interventions in Other Systems Strengthening Families and Protecting Children Enhancing Opportunities for Youth Learning and Development Promoting Health and Well-being Conclusion 8 Criminal Justice System Reforms to Reduce Racial Inequality Institutional Structure and Policy Constitutional Sources of Parsimony Assessing Decisions and Costs across Levels of Government Shifting Policy Approaches to Drugs and Violent Crime Policing Changing the Context of Policing through Oversight and Accountability Changing the Disposition of Officers Racial Inequality and Police Deterrence Tactics Courts Pretrial Release Decision and Risk Assessment Fines and Fees Mitigation Modification of Judicial and Prosecutorial Discretion Sentencing and Corrections Reducing Prison Admissions Reducing Long Sentences Repealing the Death Penalty Community Supervision Conclusion 9 The Federal Role xv
History of Federal Grant Making for Crime and Public Safety Current Grant Programs Office of Justice Programs Byrne Justice Assistance Grant Program Other Bureau of Justice Assistance Grant Programs Programs Supporting Juvenile Justice, Crime Victims, and Sex Offense Enforcement Separate Offices Administering Public Safety Grants Formula-Funding and Categorical Grants-in-Aid Enhancing the Federal System to Address Racial Inequality in the System Barriers to Funding Further Implications of These Barriers Opportunities Illustrative Example: The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Conclusion 10 Data and Research Opportunities Building a Robust Criminal Justice Data Infrastructure Integration of Data Systems and Cross-System Linkages Consistent Reporting of Racial and Ethnic Data Incentives for Improving Data Quality and Transparency An Agenda for Future Research References Appendix xvi
Boxes, Figures, and Tables Boxes S-1 Key Terms and Definitions S-2 Guiding Principles to Reduce Racial Inequality in the Criminal Justice System 1-1 Statement of Task 1-2 Key Themes from Public Information Gathering Sessions 1-3 Key Terms and Concepts 1-4 The Psychological Science of Bias 3-1 Gun Violence: Different Types and Recent Trends 4-1 Indigenous People and Criminal Jurisdiction 4-2 Sentencing in Federal Court 4-3 Protecting Ties between Incarcerated Parents and their Children 5-1 Case Study: Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Offenses and Control Act of 1961 6-1 Community-Driven Response: Mutual Aid Programs 6-2 Credible Messengers 7-1 âGreeningâ Cities: Pennsylvania Horticultural Society (PHS) LandCare Program 7-2 âBan the Boxâ Policies: Unintended Consequences 7-3 Transitions Clinic Network 8-1 Focused Deterrence in Boston: Operation Ceasefire 9-1 Allocation of Federal Responsibilities: Human Trafficking Figures 2-1 Distribution of all U.S. residents across census tracks classified by the proportion of residents who are poor, by race and ethnicity, during the 2015-2019 period 2-2 Rate of homicide offenses by population, 1990-2020 2-3 Scatter Plot of 2020 murder rates against 2019 murder rates for cities with more than 100,000 residents in the FBIâs Quarterly Crime Report data 2-4 Trends in arrests rates by race for index violent offense, property offense, non-index crimes and juvenile arrests, 1980-2020 2-5 Scatter plots of police stops per 100 residents for Black and Hispanic residents for U.S. Cities included in the Stanford Open Policing Project Database 2-6 Scatter plots of police stops per 100 residents for Black and Hispanic residents for state police departments included in the Stanford Open Policing Project Database 2-7 Scatter plots of contraband discovery rates, Black and Hispanic rates against White rates for California agencies 2-8 Scatter plots of Black contraband discovery rates against White discovery rates for specific contraband categories 2-9 Scatter plots of Black contraband discovery rates against Hispanic discovery rates for specific contraband categories 2-10 Clearance rates by race/ethnicity for all murders occurring between 2000 and 2019 2-11 Number of state and federal prisoners per 100,000 residents by race and ethnicity, 1990 through 2018 2-12 Long-term trends in U.S. and California incarceration rates, 1980-2020 2-13 Long-term violent and property crime trends in California, 1970-2020 2A-1 Difference in the proportion of serious violent incidents reported to the police by the race/ethnicity of the offender relative to incidents involving White xvii
offenders: all offenses 2012 through 2019 for all serious and specific offense types 2A-2 Difference in the proportion of serious violent incidents reported to the police by the race/ethnicity of the offender relative to incidents involving White offenders: raw difference, adjusting for victim race/ethnicity, and adjusting for offense type 2A-3 Proportion of stops for equipment and non-moving violations by agency type, race, and gender 2A-4 Incidence of actions taken by officers during the traffic stop by agency type, race, and gender 2A-5 Traffic stop outcomes by agency type, race, and gender, California 8-1 Felony Arrests per 100,000 by race and single year of age for 12 months before and 12 months after the passage of prop 47 Tables 2-1 Property Crime Victimizations per 1,000 Households by Race/Ethnicity of the Household Head, All Offenses Occurring 2012 through 2019 2-2 Serious Violent Crime Victimizations per 1,000 by Race/Ethnicity, All Offenses Occurring 2012 through 2019 2-3 Homicide Rates for Males and Females, by Race (Age-Adjusted), 1990, 2000, 2010, 2015 2-4 Homicides per 100,000 by Race, Gender, and Hispanic Origin, 2019 and 2020 for Select States 2-5 Distribution of Serious Violent Criminal Victimizations across Race/Ethnicity of the Offender as Perceived by the Crime Victim, 2012 through 2019 2-6 Distribution of Criminal Offenses across Offender Race/Ethnicity by Race/Ethnicity of the Victim and Offense Type, 2012 through 2019 2-7 Race/Ethnicity-Specific Distribution of Murder Victims by the Race/Ethnicity of the Offender for Murders Where Offender Race/Ethnicity is Known (All Murders Occurring from 2000 to 2019) 2-8 Persons Killed by Police per 100,000, by Region and Race-Ethnicity, 2015-2021 2-9 Proportion of Property Crime Incidents Reported to the Police by the Race/Ethnicity of the Households Head and the Offense Type (All Offenses Occurring Between 2012 and 2019) 2-10 Proportion of Serious Violent Crime Incidents Reported to the Police by the Race/Ethnicity of the Victim and the Offense Type (All Offenses Occurring Between 2012 and 2019) 2-11 Parole Populations by Race/Ethnicity, 2001 through 2019 2-12 Proportion Institutionalized for California Men, 18 to 55 years of age, by Race/Ethnicity, Age, and Educational Attainment, 2011, 2014, 2017 2-13 Proportion Institutionalized among California Women, 18 to 55 years of age, by Race/Ethnicity, Age, and Educational Attainment, 2011, 2014, 2017 4-1 Cumulative Risk Estimates of Criminal Justice Contact, by Race 4-2 Criminal Jurisdiction for Indian and Non-Indian Defendants 8-1 State Prison Population by Race/Ethnicity and Offense, 2000, 2019 8-2 Numbers of Stop, Frisks, and Arrests in the Top Ten Precincts, in 2011 when Floyd v. City of New York Decided that the NYPD Policy of Stop and Frisk was Unconstitutional, and in 2014, by Race xviii