5

Minoritized Individuals in STEMM: Consequences and Responses to Racial Bias and How STEMM Professionals Can Help

The primary focus of the report so far has been on the experience of minoritized individuals in sciences, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) environments, situated within the larger sociopolitical context of the United States. As discussed in the first four chapters, the evidence has demonstrated that minoritized individuals have faced numerous systemic barriers, including macro-level policies and practices that have negatively impacted their opportunities, representation, and ability to thrive in STEMM careers. This chapter shifts the lens of analysis from an examination of racial bias at the systemic level to an examination of racial bias as it occurs at the individual and interpersonal levels. This chapter addresses the charge in the statement of task on reviewing the research and evidence on the ways in which racism at the individual level impedes STEMM careers for minoritized individuals. Furthermore, this chapter also addresses the charge to identify methods of improving recruitment, retention, and advancement of members of minoritized groups. To do so, the committee reviews literature covering Black individuals, but also Latine and Indigenous individuals.

The chapter begins by summarizing research describing how and why race and ethnicity are salient social categories. This research finds that as a result of several social cognitive processes, individuals create social categories, distinguish ingroups and outgroups, and assign personal meaning on the basis of race and ethnicity. All of these factors have implications for the ways in which individuals express and experience racial bias, and the consequences of racial bias are reviewed in detail in the second half of this section. These include a range of cognitive, emotional, and physiological outcomes associated with experiencing racism in STEMM

contexts: negative impacts of predominately White contexts, stereotype threat and social identity threat, imposter phenomenon, stigma and coping, attributional ambiguity, physical health impacts, and race-based rejection sensitivity. This section concludes with a major key finding: minoritized individuals experience a range of adverse cognitive, emotional, and physiological consequences as a result of facing racial bias.

The second part of the chapter summarizes the noteworthy ways in which these individuals respond to bias in STEMM environments, including other professional spaces. These responses can be categorized into three general groups: exiting the field, implementing strategies to fit in, and collectively mobilizing to transform the STEMM environment. Each response has different implications for the advancement, recruitment, and retention of minoritized individuals in STEMM.

The chapter concludes with a discussion of ways in which STEMM professionals can redesign local STEMM environments to support minoritized individuals. These strategies center on fostering connections, emphasizing communal values, affirming kindness cues, and increasing a sense of belonging.

Overall, the committee focuses on the experience of being in minoritized groups that deviate from White norms to the extent that individuals in those groups are often the target of racial biases and systemic racism in the United States—people who are Black, Indigenous, and Latine—and the impact on individuals in STEMM contexts specifically. Broadly speaking, these minoritized groups control fewer resources, have less access to STEMM professions and fields, and are more vulnerable to racism and exclusion. The material in this chapter dovetails with that in Chapter 6, which turns from people’s experiences as the targets of racism to experiences of gatekeepers who possess power within STEMM and, whether consciously or unconsciously, perpetuate racism.

SOCIAL COGNITIVE PROCESSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF RACIAL BIAS

People carve the world into social categories or groups along many axes, including race and ethnicity, a tendency that can be seen in the social cognitive process of social categorization. The first part of this section details how creating such groups can lead to psychological experiences of “us” and “them.” This includes a consideration of how individuals may be members in particular social groups and subjectively identify with their groups to varying degrees (social identity), which has consequences for well-being when group esteem is threatened. The second part of the section demonstrates that there are a range of adverse cognitive, emotional, and physiological consequences that minoritized individuals experience as a result of facing bias against their racial or ethnic group.

SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION AND SOCIAL IDENTITY

The human mind simplifies information processing through social categorization, which is the process of categorizing people into groups based on perceived visual, functional, or role similarity and inferring that members of a group share these and other common attributes (Fiske, 2005; Hilton and von Hippel, 1996; Macrae and Bodenhausen, 2000). Such inferences allow humans to take mental shortcuts in processing information about new people; thus, when a person encounters an individual for the first time, they often categorize that individual into a social group, based on perceived salient characteristics. This grouping is often accompanied by the inference that members of a given group are more similar to others in that group as compared to members of other groups. This kind of inference is the essence of stereotyping, which is the overgeneralized attribution of characteristics to others based on their group membership (Fiske, 2005; see Chapter 6 for more on how social categorization underpins stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination).

This process of social categorization is also reflexive, where individuals also think of themselves as belonging to groups. Groups to which an individual belongs are their “ingroup,” whereas other groups to which they do not belong are their “outgroup.” Thus, from the perspective of any given person, social categorization divides the world into “us” (ingroups) and “them” (outgroups). Ingroups may be based on ascribed characteristics (e.g., groups based on age, sex, race, or ethnicity) or chosen characteristics (e.g., groups based on professions, roles, religion, nationality; Brewer, 2007). Research using social identity theory (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel and Turner, 1979) shows that a person’s identification with their various ingroups is a central component of that individual’s self-concept. Some ingroups may be more important to a person’s sense of self than others, in that people derive greater self-esteem from those identities (Brown, 2000). In addition, people exhibit a strong tendency to favor their ingroups relative to outgroups in social evaluations and resource allocations. This tendency has been used to explain intergroup prejudice as well as discriminatory behaviors (Böhm et al., 2020; Leaper, 2011; Wolfe and Spencer, 1996). These phenomena are not limited to racial groups in United States, but they occur with various types of groups, everywhere, throughout history.

When particular groups are of high status and power, whether historically or in the short term as the result of specific situations, other groups are often measured against the norms established by the high-status group (Fiske et al., 2016). In relation to race, research shows that the more a person deviates from the non-Hispanic White norms (hereafter referred to as White)—a high-status group—in terms of skin color, hair, accent, and physical features, the more racism a person is likely to experience (Blair et al., 2004; Dixon and Telles, 2017; Eberhardt et al., 2006; Maddox and

Perry, 2018; see Chapter 2 for more on historical context for race and status in the United States). Below, this chapter describes a range of cognitive, emotional, and physiological outcomes associated with experiencing racism in STEMM contexts. This includes sections on the negative impacts of predominantly White contexts, stereotype threat and social identity threat, imposter phenomenon, stigma and coping, attributional ambiguity, physical health impacts, and race-based rejection sensitivity.

Negative Impacts of Predominantly White Contexts

For minoritized individuals in STEMM, navigating classrooms and environments in which they are a clear numeric minority has measurable psychological, physiological, and behavioral effects (see Chapter 3 for a summary of issues that contribute to numeric representation). These predominantly White contexts threaten two fundamental human needs. The first is the human need to belong. Anthropologists, social psychologists, and sociologists show that all humans have a universal need for attachment affiliation (Bowlby, 1969, 1973; Casella and Fowler, 2005; Cosmides et al., 1992; Maslow, 1943, 1968; Sherif et al., 1988). From an evolutionary perspective, seeking belonging is necessary for survival across many species (De Waal, 1990, 2009). Affiliation needs lead humans to set aside personal desires for the sake of belonging to a group where roles, norms, and responsibilities promote the survival of all group-affiliated members (Cheney et al., 1986; Panter-Brick et al., 2001). Investigators have (Baumeister and Leary, 1995) concluded that “the desire for interpersonal attachments—the need to belong—is a fundamental human motivation.” People experience wellbeing and prosperity in the presence of social connection (Baumeister and Leary, 1995; Dunbar and Barrett, 2007) and stress and pain akin to physical pain in the presence of social exclusion (Eisenberger and Lieberman, 2005; Fiske, 2009).

The second fundamental need threatened by predominantly White contexts is the need to be valued and treated with dignity. Drawing on evolutionary, social, and developmental psychology, one scholar (Hicks, 2011) concluded that individuals feel their dignity is violated when some aspect of their identity is rejected. Dignity violation, which may include obvious acts of discrimination or subtle acts of ostracism, activates negative emotions that compromise decisionmaking, social judgments, and problem-solving (Isen, 2008; Keltner and Lerner, 2010). Dignity violations in the context of STEMM academic settings impact cognitive functioning related to academic success, motivation, and an array of other outcomes to be described in the upcoming paragraphs.

There are four features of predominantly White contexts that often make it difficult, if not impossible, for minoritized individuals to have these

needs of belonging and dignity met in a full or satisfactory way. The first is that in such environments, there are few, if any, people who share one’s identity; this results in a lack of high-status role models (Dasgupta, 2011; Griffith and Dasgupta, 2018; Sekaquaptewa et al., 2007; Sekaquaptewa and Thompson, 2002; Stout et al., 2011). The second is a lack of support and opportunity for building relationships with peers from similar backgrounds, which results in a weaker network (Blake-Beard et al., 2011; Dasgupta, 2011; Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022). The third is inadequate access to material and knowledge resources resulting, in part, due to resource-poor social networks and disconnection from central individuals with influence (Castilla et al., 2013a,b; Jack, 2016, 2019; Mishra, 2020; Simmons, 2011; Stephens et al., 2012; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022). The final feature is that in such environments, one’s contributions are not recognized or valued (Castilla, 2008; Griffith et al., 2022; Misra et al., 2017).

These four features are very much part of STEMM training and work environments, and as elsewhere, they have a profound impact on minoritized individuals who work in these types of local environments. They contribute to minoritized individuals feeling like solos or tokens, cut off from insider knowledge networks, and that their work and contribution is invisible (see Chapter 4 for descriptions of these phenomena from lived experience). As a result, individuals start to doubt their belonging, ability, and commitment to the endeavor, especially when alternative choices and paths are available (Dennehy et al., 2017; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022). Threats to belonging that are driven by low numeric representation of similar others and absence of strong relationships or a social network are particularly potent in transition periods such as the transition to college, to graduate school, or to a new job (Dasgupta, 2011; Hurtado and Carter, 1997; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022).

Stereotype Threat and Social Identity Threat

Stereotype threat is situation-induced worry that arises in achievement-oriented situations when individuals feel apprehensive that their performance will be judged in ways that confirm negative stereotypes targeting their ingroup (Steele, 1997, 1998, 2011). This worry acts as a stressor for the individual, taxing their working memory capacity and undermining their objective performance relative to non-stereotyped group members. However, when an achievement-oriented situation is redesigned to explicitly disavow the negative stereotype (and be identity safe), the same individuals perform as well as non-stereotyped peers (for reviews, see Aronson and Steele, 2005; Crocker et al., 1998; Schmader et al., 2008; Steele et al., 2002).

A concept closely related to stereotype threat is social identity threat, which focuses on situations where individuals feel their valued identities are marginalized or ignored, which in turn affects much more than performance—their sense of belonging, motivation, interests, persistence, and aspirations to persist. By activating negative stereotypes and undermining belonging, stereotype threat and social identity threat reduce self-confidence in one’s ability (or self-efficacy) and leads individuals to withdraw from the domain. This is the experience of many minoritized students at predominantly White universities, women (of multiple racial and ethnic identities) in science and engineering, and professionals on upward career trajectories in professions where they (minoritized individuals, and women of multiple racial/ethnic identities) are often tokens (e.g., STEMM; Blascovich et al., 2001; Emerson and Murphy, 2014; Fischer, 2010; Lewis and Sekaquaptewa, 2016; Sekaquaptewa et al., 2007; Spencer et al., 2016; Steele et al., 2002). Consequently, many of these individuals tend to leave their academic or professional path (Ceci and Williams, 2010; Ceci et al., 2009; McArdle, 2008).

Imposter Phenomenon

Social identity threat sometimes leads individuals to lose confidence in their abilities, Consequently, they remove themselves from achievement-oriented environments even when their performance is equal to that of their peers. In other words, high performance and high confidence are not always strongly correlated (Dasgupta, 2011; Stout et al., 2011). Thus, social identity threat is closely related to the imposter phenomenon, a term coined more than three decades ago (Clance and Imes, 1978). Research on the imposter phenomenon (also known as imposter syndrome) shows that sometimes individuals privately believe they are faking talent (Clance and Imes, 1978; McGrego et al., 2008); in these cases, they are more likely to attribute their strong performance to luck, effort, or personal charm (Chae et al., 1995; Clance, 1985; Thompson et al., 1998) instead of personal ability (Topping and Kimmel, 1985). They are dissatisfied with their performance even when it is at par with peers and colleagues, feel unsure of their ability, and have low expectations of repeated future success (Chrisman et al., 1995; Cozzarelli and Major, 1990; Kumar and Jagacinski, 2006; Thompson et al., 1998). Members of minoritized groups who are solos or tokens in high-achieving, predominately White contexts are particularly vulnerable to imposter phenomenon (Bravata et al., 2020). For example, African American graduate students at predominantly White universities experience imposter fear, which is associated with lower academic confidence or self-efficacy (Ewing et al., 1996). Likewise, for women who are a small numeric minority in engineering, academic failures are associated

with a sharp decrease in self-esteem, and academic successes do not result in an increase in self-esteem (Crocker et al., 2003). Taken together, research demonstrates that the experience of being a numeric minority in high stakes achievement environments—like those of STEMM—shakes individuals’ confidence in their own ability, especially in the face of difficulty. This remains true even if their actual performance is objectively equivalent to individuals of the majority group.

Stigma and Coping

Social identity threat is related to another body of research on stigma. A stigma is an attribute of a person that is associated with devalued stereotypes and is deeply discrediting in society (Goffman, 1963, p. 3). A discredited attribute could be visible, such as one’s skin color or body size, or could be hidden but discreditable if revealed, such as one’s criminal record, struggles with mental illness, or poverty. Carrying a stigma complicates everyday interactions—stigmatized individuals may be wary of engaging with people who do not share their stigma; meanwhile, those without a certain stigma may disparage, overcompensate, or attempt to ignore stigmatized individuals. Research demonstrates the negative impacts of stigma on self-esteem, achievement, mental health, and physical well-being (for a review, see Major and O’Brien, 2005; also see Bryant-Davis and Ocampo, 2005). Sometimes, societal stigmas are internalized by minoritized individuals, leading them to experience a lack of deservingness, self-directed racism, and self-devaluation (Frost, 2011; Wester et al., 2011).

In the face of stigma, individuals may engage in multiple forms of coping to regulate their emotion, cognition, and behavior (Sanchez et al., 2018). Some coping strategies help individuals buffer against the stressful event (Aspinwall, 2004), while others may exacerbate the stress. One review highlighted commonly used strategies for coping in the face of discrimination, such as attributing negative events to experiences of discrimination as opposed to internalizing the event and blaming oneself; disengaging self-esteem and effort from identity-threatening situations; and increasing one’s personal identification with the stigmatized group (Major and O’Brien, 2005).

Attributional Ambiguity

Even when situations do not activate social identity threat specifically, they often create a feeling of uncertainty in minoritized individuals about the cause of someone else’s behavior toward them, be it positive or negative (Major et al., 1994; Mendes et al., 2008; Smith and Wout, 2019). This feeling of uncertainty is called attributional ambiguity, and it happens in many

contexts, including STEMM environments (Bandyopadhyay et al., 2022; O’Brien et al., 2016). Experiences of attributional ambiguity arise in interactions between people of different status groups, where the lower-status interaction partner feels uncertain about whether the cause of the higher-status person’s behavior toward them is based on personal deservingness (e.g., their actual ability or qualifications) or the result of racial bias. In the context of race, this ambiguity occurs when minoritized individuals interact with White individuals; in such interactions, the minoritized individual may wonder whether positive feedback from the White individual is genuine or the result of overcompensating, and if negative feedback is deserved or the result of stereotyping or prejudice (Major et al., 2002).

Evidence demonstrates that in interracial interactions (i.e., interactions between individuals of different races), Black individuals trust feedback more (both positive and negative) if their identity is masked than if their identity is revealed (Crocker et al., 1991). When their identity is revealed, they attribute negative feedback to the evaluator’s prejudice, which protects their self-esteem, but they are unable to trust positive feedback as genuine, which undermines self-esteem. Individuals who belong to multiple minoritized groups, such as Black women, may face additional obstacles of determining whether another person’s behavior toward them is a result of one of several types of bias (e.g., racism, sexism), a unique intersectional form of bias, or personal deservingness. Such intersectional forms of attributional ambiguity are under-researched (Remedios and Snyder, 2015).

Attributional ambiguity can yield both positive and negative outcomes for the minoritized individual (Aronson and Inzlicht, 2004; Hoyt et al., 2007; King, 2003; Major and Crocker, 1993). Attributing an ambiguous event to prejudice or discrimination may protect minoritized individuals’ self-esteem by preventing them from attributing the event to their personal characteristics (e.g., Crocker et al., 1991; Hoyt et al., 2007; Mendes et al., 2008). However, attributing events to discrimination may yield adverse outcomes as well, such as distress, reduced well-being, and threats to identity and belongingness (Albuja et al., 2019; Chae et al., 2011; Miles et al., 2020). For instance, one study analyzed the perceptions of racial microaggressions—subtle or indirect form of racial discrimination (see Chapter 6 for more on microaggressions)—among Black doctoral students in STEM and found that participants’ sense of belonging and identity as scientists were negatively impacted (Miles et al., 2020). Mixed signals wherein minoritized individuals receive university communications that affirm commitment to diversity while simultaneously experiencing microaggressions in classroom settings may also contribute to attributional ambiguity in STEMM educational contexts (Estrada et al., 2018).

PHYSICAL HEALTH IMPACTS OF BEING THE TARGET OF RACISM

Over the past several years, there has been a substantial growth in research on the association between racism and health outcomes. This work shows that racism experienced at every level (e.g., institutional, interpersonal) undermines psychological health (Araújo and Borrell, 2006; Jones and Neblett, 2019; Pieterse et al., 2012) and physical health (Paradies et al., 2015; Solomon et al., 2022; Williams et al., 2019a,b). In fact, the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and leading medical societies, including the American Medical Association (AMA), declared racism to be a serious public health threat (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2021; O’Reilly, 2020). In terms of psychological health, racism faced by minoritized individuals is associated with increased anxiety (Stein et al., 2019), depressive symptoms (English et al., 2014), major depressive disorder (Russell et al., 2018), distress (Nguyen et al., 2021), and suicidal ideation (Madubata et al., 2022). Some scholars note that negative psychological consequences associated with racism share features associated with trauma (Pieterse et al., 2012).

In terms of physical or physiological health, experiences of racism are significantly associated with poor cardiovascular health (Javed et al., 2022), hazardous drinking behavior (Gilbert and Zemore, 2016), poor sleep (Slopen et al., 2016), and cancer-related risks (Black et al., 2015; Plascak et al., 2022). A number of studies suggest that stress-induced “weathering” among older Black individuals, defined as the cumulative health impact of repeated experiences of social, economic, or political exclusion and effortful coping, induces morbidity both directly and indirectly through unhealthy behaviors (Geronimus, 2001; Geronimus et al., 2006). Weathering is thought to be partially responsible for race disparities in metabolic illnesses such as diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Multiple studies connect extended psychosocial stress to inflammation (McDade et al., 2006; Melamed et al., 2006; Weinstein et al., 2007). Inflammation, in turn, plays a causal role in cardiovascular problems and poor blood sugar control resulting from insulin resistance (Grundy et al., 2004; Yudkin, 2003). Chronic low-grade inflammation is linked to cardiovascular disease (Danesh et al., 2000), type 2 diabetes (Pradhan et al., 2001) and metabolic syndrome (McDade and Hayward, 2009; Ridker et al., 2003). Using a nationally representative probability sample from the 2005–2006 U.S. National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project, one study found that inflammation was most consistently associated with older Black men’s greater metabolic problems, less control over blood sugar levels, and negative cardiovascular outcomes (Das, 2013). Moreover, inflammation significantly mediated men’s race disparities in metabolic states. The authors of that

study argued that inflammation is an underexamined “biological gateway” through which stressors in social environments affect older Black men’s diabetic and cardiovascular outcomes. In sum, the scientific literature shows that racism creates a substantial and disproportionate burden of illness on minoritized individuals.

RACE-BASED REJECTION SENSITIVITY

Research shows not all minoritized individuals experience the same context in the same way. For example, individual differences in expectations shape how minoritized individuals interpret their environment, which in turn influences their adjustment to academia and other STEMM contexts. Some people are more sensitive to rejection based on their race, which influences their interpersonal experiences in predominantly White contexts. Research has found that college students’ expectations of race-based rejection can strain their social relationships and undermine their sense of confidence in the academic institution they are enrolled in. This has been found to result in reduced motivation to pursue personal goals among rejection-sensitive students, compared to less rejection-sensitive students who continued to persist (Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002). A later study showed that ethnic identification and race-based rejection sensitivity predicted decreased intention to persist in school among African Americans but did not predict lower grade point average (Mendoza-Denton et al., 2008). These findings demonstrate that individuals who belong to a given minoritized racial or ethnic group do not represent a monolith. There are important individual-level differences within members of a given group, and these differences can inform experiences and outcomes. Therefore, some minoritized individuals may thrive in predominately White contexts while others struggle. Additional research studying these individual-level differences is necessary and important for better understanding the discussed range of adverse cognitive, emotional, and physiological consequences.

Summary

The committee wishes to highlight a key finding that emerged from the information summarized in the above sections: Minoritized individuals experience a range of adverse cognitive, emotional, and physiological consequences as a result of facing racial bias. Moreover, individuals who occupy multiple minoritized identities may face added complexities and consequences navigating STEMM spaces as a result of facing multiple sources of bias. There is a paucity of research on the experience of such individuals, and the committee noted that more is needed. The committee also felt it important to emphasize that minoritized individuals in STEMM

are not a monolith, both within a given group and between groups. As such, the experiences and consequences of racial bias may vary at the individual level. Additional research and expanded sampling to include larger and more representative samples of all minoritized racial and ethnic groups is necessary to better understand these potential similarities and differences.

Minoritized Individuals’ Responses to Racial Bias

The following section reviews three noteworthy ways in which minoritized individuals respond to experiences of racism. These responses can be grouped loosely into three groups: exiting the field, implementing strategies to fit in, and collectively mobilizing to transform the environment (see Figure 5-1; Brown, 1986).

STRATEGIES FOR EXITING: DISIDENTIFICATION AND PASSING

Exiting is a common response for minoritized individuals experiencing racism in STEMM environments. Exiting generally encompasses two

patterns: moving away from and often leaving the field (disidentification) and moving away from one’s ingroup (passing; Woodcock et al., 2012). National data of more than 200,000 students who started college in fall 2004 at 326 four-year institutions across the United States show that Black, Latine, and Native American students enter college with aspirations to major in STEM at levels similar to their White and Asian peers. However, their paths diverge in college. Four-year (2008) and five-year (2009) college graduation rates reveal that Black, Latine, and Native American students complete college with STEM majors at lower rates (15.9, 13.2, and 14.0% respectively) compared to their White and Asian American peers (24.5 and 32.4% respectively). These differences become more pronounced when comparing the five-year graduation rate (Higher Education Research Institute, 2010; see Chapter 3 on related data).

In an attempt to identify specific barriers responsible for persistence gaps, other research identified a few key characteristics that differentiated students who earned bachelor’s degrees in STEM fields from those who did not (American Council on Education, 2005; the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2011). This research found that students who successfully completed bachelor’s degrees in STEM were more likely to: (i) enter college with rigorous high school preparation; (ii) have access to high-quality information and support related to higher education and career pathways that influenced their choice of college and navigation while in college; and (iii) have financial support that allowed them to focus on academic work without juggling long hours of paid work. In other words, high school preparation, social support, and financial capital strengthened students’ skills and persistence in STEM. Furthermore, there is evidence demonstrating that even after statistically accounting for students’ socioeconomic status and academic preparation, cultural experiences in college influenced STEM students’ performance, engagement, and persistence (Chang et al., 2011). Therefore, the nature of the context is another critical factor, and environments that fail to affirm inclusion may result in individuals implementing exiting strategies. These strategies are discussed next.

Disidentification is one exiting strategy that minoritized individuals may use to deal with persistent social identity threat and belonging uncertainty. Disidentification is the process of becoming less invested in, or the long-term abandoning of, a formerly valued activity, interest, or social identity. Consequently, individuals may disidentify from their STEMM degree or profession, which places minoritized individuals at risk of leaving the field of STEMM (Woodcock et al., 2012).

Ironically, the more a person’s sense of self is contingent upon doing well in a particular domain, the more vulnerable they are to social identity threat because of the worry that their underperformance or failure may prove the stereotype true in others’ eyes. Disidentification creates distance

between the self and a domain that includes sets of specific stereotypes (e.g., STEMM), and thus is one way that minoritized individuals can mitigate the effects of social identity threat (Major and Schmader, 1998). While disidentifying from the field is an individual-level strategy implemented by minoritized individuals in the face of racism, larger racist systemic-level barriers can continue to remain in place even after the person exits, if no top-down changes are made (see Chapter 8). Research shows that disidentification is more likely to happen in early stages of academic or professional development, such as when individuals in transition (e.g., college to a job), or among individuals who are new to the environment (Callagher et al., 2021).

Consider Black, Indigenous, and Latine students at predominantly White universities or girls and women in science and engineering, where their ingroup is numerically underrepresented. Research has found there is a substantial number of high-performing individuals who are exiting their field or taking a different academic or professional path (Ceci and Williams, 2010; Ceci et al., 2009; McArdle, 2008; Pinker, 2008; Rosenbloom et al., 2008). While it may appear that the choice to leave or opt for a different path appears to be made freely, there is a body of research demonstrating that these critical decisions are in fact shaped by stereotypes. These stereotypes inform ideas about who is likely to succeed or fail and who belongs in a given environment (Cheryan et al., 2009; Logel et al., 2009; Settles, 2004; Spencer et al., 1999; Steele et al., 2002; Stout et al., 2011; von Hippel et al., 2011; Walton and Cohen, 2007, 2011; Woodcock et al., 2012). For example, a three-year longitudinal study of African American and Hispanic/Latine undergraduate students in STEM majors showed that experiences of stereotype threat were associated with scientific disidentification, which in turn predicted a significant decline in the intention to pursue a scientific career (Woodcock et al., 2012). This effect was stronger for Hispanic/Latine students than African American students. Other research found that African Americans experiencing stereotype threat disengaged from academics in response to negative performance feedback (Nussbaum and Steele, 2007).

Passing—psychologically distancing oneself from one’s ascribed social ingroup—is another type of exiting. Passing is only possible if a person can conceal their disadvantaged group membership, which may be the case for individuals from poor or working-class origins, individuals who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender, and Black, Indigenous, and Latine people with light skin color who can pass as White. This is a form of exiting as well, wherein an individual “exits” their own social identity and no longer thinks of themselves as a member of the racial or ethnic group (Brown, 1986). There is a small set of contemporary research on passing among minoritized individuals, particularly in the context of STEMM (McGee, 2016; Ong, 2005). Additional research is necessary to better understand this phenomenon.

STRATEGIES FOR FITTING IN AND SURVIVING: GRIT, RESILIENCE, AND CODESWITCHING

Grit and resilience are related concepts that describe how minoritized individuals might try to fit in and survive in achievement-oriented environments, such as STEMM. Grit is an individual trait that reflects a single-minded pursuit of long-term goals regardless of setbacks (Duckworth et al., 2007). Studies show that grit is significantly associated with improved academic performance (Christopoulou et al., 2018).

Resilience is defined as a healthy and adaptive functioning following adverse events (Southwick et al., 2014). It is an individual’s ability to bounce back or overcome difficult stressors and adversity (Masten and Narayan, 2012). Resilience is sometimes conceptualized as an individual-level trait (Debb et al., 2018) and at other times as a process of adaptation or having a better-than-expected outcome (Southwick et al., 2014). Research shows that increased trait resilience is associated with higher levels of subjective well-being and increased optimism and life satisfaction among African Americans college students (Utsey et al., 2008). Other research, viewing resilience as an ongoing process, identified several predictors associated with the process of becoming more resilient (Johnson, 2011). These include: (i) participating in learning communities with peers who share one’s racial or ethnic identity (Leyva, 2021); (ii) participating in STEMM pipeline programs (e.g., Lane and Id-Deen, 2020); (iii) connecting with social support structures, community, and family (e.g., Fernández et al., 2021; Pumaccahua and Rogers, 2022; Rincón et al., 2020); (iv) having opportunities to giving back to communities (Page-Reeves et al., 2019; Rincón and Rodriguez, 2021); (v) affirming one’s racial identity (e.g., Morton and Parsons, 2018; Sparks et al., 2021) including language heritage (Stevenson et al., 2019); (vi) engaging in self-renewal activities and religiosity (e.g., meditation; Gazley and Campbell, 2020); and (vii) integrating multiple identities (Ross et al., 2021).

There is critical literature examining resilience in STEMM among minoritized individuals (Gonzalez et al., 2021). For example, one recent study explored the factors that allow Black women to be successful and thrive in engineering professions. Interviews with a sample of Black women engineers who had at least 10 years of work experience in industry showed that the integration of race, gender, and role identities fostered resilient engineering identities (Ross et al., 2021). Similarly, longitudinal research shows that Native scholars who have STEMM mentors with knowledge of Native culture are more likely to endorse STEMM values and persist in STEMM (Estrada et al., 2022).

Like exiting, grit and resilience are individual-level forms of coping where individuals carve out their own path despite the existence of

structural barriers. An overreliance on individuals’ resilience to “make it” in STEMM ignores the need for a critical examination of structural barriers in STEMM institutions (McGee and Bentley, 2017; Morton and Nkrumah, 2021) that contribute to the persistence of underrepresentation and exclusion of minoritized individuals, as well as the need to change them. Structural changes in STEMM cultures to promote antiracism, diversity, equity, and inclusion will require more than the advocacy and actions of minoritized individuals with grit or resilience (see Chapter 8 for more).

Codeswitching is another way that people from minoritized groups adapt to a predominantly White context and culture temporarily. Codeswitching is a context-dependent impression management strategy where minoritized individuals adjust their self-presentation in predominantly White contexts to fit in and be accepted by mirroring the White majority (McCluney et al., 2021). This occurs through mirroring norms, attributes, and behaviors. Recent codeswitching research shows how minoritized employees may navigate predominately White contexts by dressing differently, changing their speaking style, adopting specific hobbies, and adopting specific topics of conversation (Boulton, 2016; Koch et al., 2001; McCluney et al., 2021). Through codeswitching, a person acculturates to a predominantly White culture while in the company of White people and switches back to a different, more authentic, self-presentation in nonWhite environments. For instance, a Black emergency medical doctor from California indicated having to become more familiar with ice hockey and the National Hockey League games because that was a popular topic of conversation among his mostly White work colleagues; however, when interacting with another minoritized surgeon, that individual felt freer to discuss “making it” and facing discrimination in medicine as a person with dreadlocks (Brown, 2021).

One form of codeswitching among Black individuals involves changing hairstyles or chemically altering one’s natural hair to fit into the White norms and rules that define professional appearance in predominately White contexts, including STEMM (Bryant, 2013; Dawson et al., 2019; Donahoo, 2022; Ferguson and Dougherty, 2021; Johnson and Bankhead, 2014; Opie and Phillips, 2015). Codeswitching may be a double-edged sword. One the one hand, there is evidence demonstrating it is associated with increased perceptions of professionalism (McCluney et al., 2021). On the other hand, it reaffirms the expectation that White norms and appearances are the default (McCluney et al., 2019; Opie and Phillips, 2015; Ray, 2019; Rabelo et al., 2021), and it may undermine feelings of authenticity (McCluney et al., 2019). Moreover, minoritized individuals may feel pressured to codeswitch because of psychological penalties for not doing so (Brown, 2021; Dickens and Chavez, 2018; McCluney et al., 2021; Morales et al., 2021).

COLLECTIVELY MOBILIZING TO TRANSFORM THE DOMINANT STEMM CULTURE

Historically, programs to address the numeric underrepresentation of systemically minoritized groups in STEMM have focused on “fixing” individuals—e.g., improving scholastic performance, increasing interest, providing research experiences (Asai, 2020). However, solely relying on this “deficit-based framework” may lead to the assumption that the cause of the problem is the character of minoritized individuals rather than the persistence of structural barriers (e.g., Coleman and Davis, 2020; Rocha et al., 2022). It also creates the false impression that minoritized individuals are passive. Shifting to an “asset-based” framework (Denton et al., 2020) identifies the strengths, social, and cultural capital among minoritized individuals and returns power to these individuals to counter structural racism; thus, such a shift may prove beneficial (Yosso, 2005). Research on validation theory has demonstrated positive effects on student persistence when educators take an asset-based approach by valuing students’ strengths and celebrating inclusion (Barnett, 2011; Linares and Muñoz, 2011).

Despite being numerically underrepresented, minoritized students and faculty in STEMM have been active in building welcoming, affinity-based professional communities, both virtual and in-person, to strengthen their sense of belonging, provide support, expand networks, and grow the next generation in STEMM. For example, the Society for Chicanos, Hispanics, and Native Americans in Science (established in 1973; SACNAS, n.d.), the National Society for Black Engineers (established in 1975; NSBE, n.d.), and the American Indian Science and Engineering Society (established in 1977; AISES, 2021) are some of the first professional societies to address the paucity of people from minoritized groups in various STEMM disciplines. These pioneer organizations—which typically work as membership societies, with dues, student chapters, and annual in-person conferences—provide refuge, support, mentorship, professional development, and ingroup role models for emerging scholars (Martin et al., 2016; Ondrechen, 2014; Ross and McGrade, 2016). Qualitative research showed that after attending a SACNAS research conference, students reported increased motivation and networking (Perez and Robnett, 2014). Other research on the impact of SACNAS local chapters showed that Iowa State University students in STEM advanced their careers through attending regular chapter meetings, workshops, seminars on campus, frequently communicating opportunities from the national SACNAS office, and attending the annual national conference (Flores et al., 2018).

Recently, affinity-based communities have sought to use the internet, social media, and social networking platforms to connect minoritized people across geographical distances and surmount the isolation often faced in STEMM. For example, the nonprofit Ciencia Puerto Rico (CienciaPR) was launched in 2006 through a social networking website with the goal

of creating a critical mass of scientists from the Puerto Rican community (Guerrero-Medina et al., 2013). In addition to promoting access to information about scientific training pathways and careers, CienciaPR uses its website and social media platforms to counter the negative effects of minoritization in STEMM, challenge the mainstream White-centric narrative by celebrating and affirming Puerto Rican cultural identity in science, and create opportunities for engagement of Puerto Rican members of the STEMM community. Through collaborations with various media outlets, the organization promotes culturally relevant science communication in both Spanish and English that highlights the contributions of Puerto Rican scientists and scientists affiliated with Puerto Rican community and locates scientific advances and information in the context of the lives of Puerto Ricans (Guerrero-Medina et al., 2013). Many of CienciaPR’s programs are designed to enable its community of more than 15,000 scientists to influence their environments through knowledge and leadership (Colón, 2015; González-Espada et al., 2015). These programs resulted in an engaged community that mobilized following the 2017 Hurricanes Irma and María, as well as during the COVID-19 pandemic (Forman, 2020; Lynn, 2018; MacArthur et al., 2020; Nirmal, 2021).

The number of identity-based organizations and movements has increased in recent years thanks to social media and as a result of large-scale conversations on racism in society (see Box 5-1). Other organizations, such as LatinXinBME, have leveraged new platforms and tools such as Slack and Twitter to overcome geographical divides and isolation in predominantly White contexts. Using Slack has allowed LatinXinBME to create

conversation channels centered around specific topics, centralize information relevant to the community, initiate private messages between members, and engage members across time zones. Among the most popular topics are making career connections, mentoring, mental health, and issues of particular concern to Latine communities, such as immigration (Aguado and Porras, 2020).

Minoritized scientists and health professionals have also recently started mobilizing to examine how the nation teaches STEMM disciplines and to call for the incorporation of antiracism, diversity, equity, and inclusion into the curriculum.¹ For example, an effort to transform STEMM emerged among Indigenous scholars who noted that there was a disconnect between Western practices of STEMM education and Indigenous ways of knowing and that this dissonance prevented their matriculation into these majors (e.g., Chow-Garcia, 2016; Lee Bitsoi and Lowe, 2018; Smith et al., 2014; see Chapter 4 for more on Indigenous ways of knowing). Instead of advising students to change and comply with Western practices, Indigenous scholars advocate to create more integrated approaches to STEMM that emphasize the central premise of Indigenous knowledge, which is that all things are connected (Deloria, 1992). Specifically, some scholars have worked to “find a pedagogy of holism combining the best of both” to assist in building capacity (Marker, 2015, p. 3). One group, for example, describe how Indigenous knowledge regarding medicine, technology, math, and anatomy, passing orally across hundreds or even thousands of years, can advance STEMM knowledge pursued by the West (Lee Bitsoi and Lowe, 2018). The process of combining involves assessing assumptions, structures, and practices of STEMM. The broadening of STEMM to involve Indigenous students, employees, and local tribal members in the development of these processes is critical to shifting the historical paradigms of these fields, resulting in STEMM fields that broaden to incorporate culturally diverse learners.

Furthermore, there have been other recent efforts to transform academic institutions. For instance, minoritized scientists, medical students, and professionals have advocated for change in the form of returning ancestral remains to Indigenous communities (Gulliford, 1996). Others have worked to acknowledge unethical research with Black and Indigenous people. Some individuals have focused on teaching about the history of discrimination against many different peoples in the history of science and medicine in the United States. This has taken many forms, including organizing town halls, teach-ins, op-eds, reading groups, and other initiatives to help STEMM faculty and other members of the scientific community broaden their understanding of the causes and consequences of racism in

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¹ This section draws on an expert review commissioned by the committee (Smith, n.d.).

their respective disciplines (Adelekun et al., 2019; Braun and Saunders, 2017; Hagopian et al., 2018).

CONCLUSION 5-1: There are a few noteworthy ways to describe how people from historically and systemically minoritized groups respond to racism in science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) environments, including other professional spaces. These responses can be loosely grouped as follows: exiting the field, implementing strategies to fit in, and collectively mobilizing to transform the STEMM environment.

HOW STEMM PROFESSIONALS CAN HELP

In this final section of the chapter, the committee explores specific steps that individuals might take to help promote inclusion through the design of STEMM environments. These steps are grouped into three broad categories: signal inclusion through numeric representation and spatial design of local environments; build peer relationships and community for minoritized groups; and create access to high-status relationships.

This section and the recommended actions center around Stereotype Inoculation Model, which holds that “social vaccines” can protect one’s mind against noxious stereotypes, analogous to biomedical vaccines that protect and inoculate one’s physical body against noxious bacteria and viruses (Dasgupta, 2011; Stout et al., 2011; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022). The committee’s approach is motivated by a growing body of research that demonstrates that when local STEMM cultures are redesigned to foster social connections among minoritized individuals, increase exposure to experts from minoritized groups, and link STEMM with communal values, these cultural cues act as social vaccines. Specifically, they increase minoritized individuals’ sense of belonging in STEMM, protect against negative stereotypes, and preserve their self-efficacy, motivation, and persistence in STEMM (Dasgupta, 2011; Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; Estrada et al., 2021; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022; Wu et al., 2022). This section relies on research on minoritized individuals’ experiences in early training and career stages. However, research on minoritized individuals in middle- and late-stage of their careers is still scarce, and more is needed (see Chapter 9 for the research agenda).

SIGNAL INCLUSION THROUGH NUMERIC REPRESENTATION AND SPATIAL DESIGN OF LOCAL ENVIRONMENTS

Provide a Diverse Representation of STEMM Role Models

It is common for academic organizations and workplaces to elevate some individuals as exemplars of success by raising their portraits on the wall and celebrating their accomplishments through media stories and awards.

These exemplars communicate what “great” looks like within that organization. It is easy to draw the inference that others who look like these success exemplars have potential to be great as well. Conversely, it is easy to infer that people who look different have less greatness potential.

Research shows that when young people who are numerically underrepresented in STEMM (e.g., women students in engineering) are exposed to images and success stories of a racially diverse array of successful women engineers, they express more positive outcomes (Wu et al., 2022). These include positive implicit attitudes toward STEMM, reporting more confidence in their own engineering ability, and identifying more strongly with these exemplars, compared to other women students who are exposed to success stories of men engineers or engineering innovations with no mention of the engineer’s gender. In a way, these diverse exemplars of success act as important role models. In fact, women students’ subjective identification with success stories of women engineers predicts greater self-confidence in their own ability, which in turn predicts stronger intentions to pursue careers in engineering (Stout et al., 2011).

Other research has found that successful individuals are likely to become role models themselves if three key conditions are met. First, there are others that are able to identify with them, second they believe their success is something that can be attained, and third they have overlapping similarities with others (Asgari et al., 2010, 2012; Aspinwall, 1997; Blanton, 2001; Davies et al., 2005; Haines and Kray, 2005; Hoyt and Blascovich, 2007; Lockwood, 2006; Lockwood and Kunda, 1997, 1999; Lockwood et al., 2002; Marx and Roman, 2002; Marx et al., 2005). The dimension of similarity may be similar life history, shared group membership, common academic or professional interests, and so on. For example, research shows that encountering professional women who were framed as similar to the self in terms of background (collegiate or gender) bolsters young women’s implicit beliefs about their own leadership ability. However, when the professional women were framed as different from the self, there was no effect on women’s implicit self-beliefs about leadership, and in fact, this even backfired on occasion (Asgari et al., 2012; for additional reading see Parks-Stamm et al., 2008; Rudman and Phelan, 2010). This latter finding may be explained by the possibility that successful ingroup members who are perceived as different from oneself may increase feelings of threat. These feelings of threat may signal leadership potential is not possible (Mendes et al., 2001).

One longitudinal study found that both quality and quantity of contact with similar exemplars of success jointly enhance young women’s implicit leadership self-concept and increase ambitious career goals (Asgari et al., 2010). Even though personal contact and mentoring relationships (discussed more below) are powerful ways to find role models, role models

may include more indirect contacts, such as with successful individuals with whom one has had only brief contact with or were connected through social media exposure (for a partial review, see Gibson, 2004).

Role models are particularly important to minoritized individuals in high-achievement domains (Blanton et al., 2000; Stout et al., 2011). For example, research has demonstrated that after hearing about a high-performing Black peer in a stereotyped field, Black students demonstrated positive outcomes including increased performance and self-efficacy. After hearing about a low-performing Black peer, Black students showed opposite outcomes (Blanton et al., 2000). Moreover, encountering a high-performing Black person is associated with increases in Black students’ confidence even more so than what encountering a high-performing White person does for White students.

Build a Critical Mass of Minoritized Individuals

Building a critical mass of minoritized individuals in a local context reduces feelings of evaluation apprehension and elevates performance and full participation. Research shows that Black women’s academic performance is enhanced when they are in a group of same-race peers compared to when asked to perform in the context of being the only Black person in an all-White environment (Inzlicht and Ben-Zeev, 2003; Sekaquaptewa and Thompson, 2002). In the presence of other Black peers, negative stereotypes about the group become less prominent in the minds of Black students, feelings of performance apprehension are reduced, and performance is elevated (Sekaquaptewa et al., 2007). Similarly, other research examined women’s behavior after they were randomly assigned to engineering teams that vary in gender composition (Dasgupta et al., 2015). Women in engineering teams with a critical mass of same-sex peers expressed less worry and anxiety and were more verbally engaged in the team task compared to women who are the only woman in their team. Even though negative gender stereotypes were present in their minds, women’s self-confidence was inoculated against such stereotypes if they were in teams with a critical mass of other women (Dasgupta et al., 2015; see Chapter 7 for more on teams).

Create Congruency Between Expressed Diversity Values and the Reality of the Environment

Organizations signal their endorsement of diversity and inclusion values in many ways. One of the most common strategies includes the increased use of diversity and inclusion statements. However, research has found that what minoritized individuals trusted more than diversity and inclusion statements is actually seeing minoritized employees in the workplace

(Purdie-Vaughns et al., 2008). For example, pictures showing a diverse group of employees in an organization’s informational materials increased prospective applicants’ trust in the company. When the demographic diversity of people was prominent, diversity statements became less important. However, if diversity signals did not match the reality within the company, such measures backfired; new recruits saw the diversity signals as disingenuous and lost trust in the organization (Cheryan et al., 2009).

Another feature of local environments that signals diversity values includes the physical design. One study found that the aesthetics of workspaces conveyed clues about its culture, values, and norms (Cheryan et al., 2009). Imagine walking into a workspace where you see vibrant nature posters on the wall and a bookshelf with a variety of books, puzzles, and stacks of water bottles in the corner. Alternatively, imagine that the workspace had Star War posters on the wall, science fiction books in the bookshelf, videogames, and a stack of soda cans in the corner. A room with science fiction paraphernalia and videogames signaled a masculine geeky culture, while a room with nature posters and puzzles signaled that all genders are welcome. Women felt more welcome and, in turn, expressed more interest in computer science classes and majors if they were in the room with nature posters than the one with Star Wars posters. Additional research should be conducted to examine which specific features of a physical environment are most inclusive to promoting antiracism, diversity, equity, and inclusion in STEMM.

BUILD PEER RELATIONSHIPS AND COMMUNITY FOR MINORITIZED GROUPS

Broker Ingroup Peer Relationships by Developing “Near Peer” Mentors

Peer mentorship programs that broker relationships between new students from minoritized groups with other students who share their identity is another feature of local environments that enhance belonging and thriving (Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; Herrmann et al., 2016). These “near peers,” who are only slightly more senior, mentor early career colleagues, a form of mentorship that has been found to be effective, including for minoritized individuals in STEMM environments (Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; the National Academies, 2020; Rockinson-Rockinson-Szapkiw and Wendt, 2020; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022; Wu et al., 2022). Authentic relationships with successful ingroup peers safeguard individuals from the impacts of negative ingroup stereotypes. For example, a one-year mentoring relationship with a same-sex peer mentor during the first year of college was enormously effective for female engineering students at protecting them against academic anxiety. Same-sex peer mentoring also protected the female students’ wellbeing, enabled them to have increased success in obtaining experiential

learning opportunities (e.g., engineering internships), and increased their retention in engineering and other STEM majors (Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; Wu et al., 2022). These benefits achieved by having same-sex mentors were not only present in the first year of college when mentoring was active, but also endured through graduation and one-year post-graduation (Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; Wu et al., 2022). Having male peer mentors in the first year of college produced results statistically no different from having no mentors (Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; Wu et al., 2022). In short, a low-cost, light-touch, near-peer mentorship experience in a critical transition period in life yielded dividends through the college years and one year after graduation, long after mentorship had ended.

One benefit of ingroup peer mentors and other peer role models derives from their relatability and shared experiences. For example, a national sample of African American undergraduates majoring in STEM disciplines found that from these students’ perspectives, perceived similarity of values rather than demographic similarity was the most important factor associated with protégé perceptions of high-quality mentorship, which in turn was associated with stronger personal commitment to pursue STEM careers (Hernandez et al., 2017).

Normalize Struggles and Strengths of Minoritized Groups

Hearing that adversity and struggle is a normal experience and part of the journey bolsters persistence and performance. For example, Black students who learned from a slightly more senior peer that all students encounter challenges and that the challenges are usually temporary experienced positive outcomes. Specifically, they were not concerned about whether they belonged in college, but instead attributed their challenges to the broader college environment. Consequently, these students with the senior peer were more likely than Black students in a control condition to achieve higher grades and improved well-being (Walton and Cohen, 2011).

As a corollary, emphasizing the strengths that come from the culture, history, and knowledge of historically and systemically minoritized groups can also empower numerically underrepresented students in higher education, such as first-generation working-class students (Stephens et al., 2014; Townsend et al., 2019). For example, first-generation students learning from senior first-generation peers about the positive and negative effects of their working-class status on their overall college experience reduced both anxiety and bolstered college adjustment (Stephens et al., 2014). Research with 670 STEM minority undergraduates (Black and African American and Latine) and non-minority (White and Asian students) found that an intervention that raised students’ awareness about stereotype threat and encouraged them to use their lived experiences to generate coping strategies that

work for them protected their abstract reasoning, increased course grades, and decreased worries about confirming racial and ethnic stereotypes (Ben-Zeev et al., 2017).

Create Affinity-Based Peer Programs

When young people transition from high school to college, they are often in new environments and unmoored from prior social supports, and so, often experience uncertainty about belonging and self-doubt. This is especially likely for students from minoritized groups who are also numerically underrepresented in higher education. Affinity-based programs that gather a cohort of similarly situated students in the transition to college have been found to be very effective.

For example, summer bridge programs that take place during the summer before college starts help first-generation students, low-income students, and students from minoritized racial and ethnic groups make a smoother transition to college (Ramirez et al., 2021; Strayhorn, 2011). Such programs enhance college-related social capital through an immersive on-campus experience, spanning several weeks, that strengthens socioemotional ties among peers, builds relationships with faculty and staff, and familiarizes students with campus resources (Ashley et al., 2017; Bradford et al., 2021; Suzuki et al., 2012). A systematic review of STEM-specific summer bridge programs found that students leave these programs with increased feelings of preparedness and belonging more in college, and they get better grades post-program (Ashley et al., 2017). A recent meta-analysis examining STEM-specific summer bridge programs found similar positive outcomes (Bradford et al., 2021). Summer bridge program participants, including minoritized, and first-generation students are also more likely to graduate within six years of college matriculation than a matched comparison group (Douglas and Attewell, 2014).

Another study on summer bridge programs showed that including a component that has new students from minoritized groups hearing from senior peers from similar identity groups plays a key role in their success. One study, for example, looked at outcomes from a sample of summer bridge program participants in which most participants were from minoritized racial and ethnic groups, first-generation students, and/or low-income students (Ramirez et al., 2021). All participants received information about academic resources available to them on campus, but only half of the participants also heard from senior first-generation college students. These senior students told stories about encountering and overcoming identity related obstacles. Program participants who heard from these senior peers reported greater interest in using campus resources compared to program participants who did not hear from them. Given the demonstrated benefits

of summer bridge programs, additional research is needed to identify which specific elements of these programs drive each outcome.

Living-learning student communities are another affinity-based peer program. These communities foster socioemotional and academic relationships among a cohort of students transitioning into college who have common academic interests or a shared identity. Students live together in the same residence hall, attend at least one class together, and interact together in structured activities (Brower and Inkelas, 2010). Consistent with the Stereotype Inoculation Model, immersion in a community of ingroup peers increases psychological fit within the local environment. This is especially important for students who are in a small numeric minority in the context of their larger university environment. The local community, in this case, is a space in which students are protected from tokenization and doubts about their belonging, bolstering their confidence and persistence (Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022).

Research shows that as compared to those who are not participants, those in living-learning communities have more frequent academic interactions with their peers, and they experience a stronger sense of belonging within their university and living-learning community (Dahl et al., 2020; Schussler and Fierros, 2008; Wawrzynski et al., 2009; Wu et al., accepted in principle). Studies demonstrate that the social support from the community peers also increases academic persistence (Inkelas et al., 2007; Soldner et al., 2012) and reduces academic anxiety. These factors have been found to help students earn higher grades (Wu et al., accepted in principle).

As with summer bridge programs, research suggests that living-learning communities are particularly beneficial for orienting students to campus resources. Compared to students living in traditional residential campus communities, students participating in living-learning communities are more likely to use campus resources such as computer labs, academic advisors, and peer counselors, and they are more invested in participating in research, studying abroad, and conducting a thesis project (Brower and Inkelas, 2010; Dahl et al., 2020; Inkelas et al., 2007). This pattern of findings may occur as a result of increased knowledge of these opportunities and increased confidence they may experience. They are also more likely to maintain higher academic confidence or self-efficacy up to three years later after a program is over (Brower and Inkelas, 2010). Importantly, research has identified value of living-learning communities for women of color in STEM (Johnson, 2011).

In addition, communal aspects of college are also emphasized through living-learning communities. These communities show that learning is not something that only occurs in classrooms. Rather, learning can happen in informal spaces with peers, through activities, and within residence halls outside of class (Brower and Inklas, 2010; Shapiro and Levine, 1999).

Furthermore, these communities may help students connect with faculty through informal low stakes one-on-one interactions (Eidum et al., 2020). Programs that create more opportunities for faculty-student interactions are likely to attract faculty members who are more communally oriented, and research shows that students who prioritize communal values may have a preference to interact with faculty who share similar values (Fuesting and Diekman, 2017). Therefore, minoritized students, who may be more likely to prioritize communal values, may appreciate this particular aspect of living-learning communities.

Curriculum Change Initiatives

Curriculum change initiatives also contribute to increased performance and persistence for minoritized students. One significant intervention to increase inclusion has occurred with the adoption of course-based undergraduate research experiences, sometimes called Freshman Research Initiatives. During the research experiences, faculty provide students with opportunities to engage in discovery as part of a course, as opposed to a more traditional instructional model. Students work in collaborative teams and take part in each element of the research process, including developing research questions, collecting data, analyzing data, and drawing conclusions (Alkaher and Dolan, 2014; Auchincloss et al., 2014; Bangera and Brownell, 2014; Weaver et al., 2008). Studies on these research experiences show that this shift in the curriculum toward doing “authentic” research results in a range of positive outcomes that include greater knowledge acquisition, increased self-efficacy and shifts in psychosocial outcomes, a greater sense of belonging in the scientific community, increased retention, increased persistence for all students, and an increased science identity (Alkaher and Dolan, 2014; Brownell et al., 2013; Drew and Triplett, 2008; Hanauer et al., 2012; Jordan et al., 2014; Lopatto et al., 2008; Rodenbusch et al., 2016; Shaffer et al., 2010, 2014). Increases in science efficacy, identity, and values have been shown to predict persistence for minoritized STEM students one year and four years after graduation (Estrada et al., 2011, 2018). Moreover, these courses equalize retention rates for minoritized students compared to non-minoritized students (Rodenbusch et al., 2016), which is significant, given that first-year courses contribute toward large numbers of minoritized students with an expressed interest in STEMM leaving their STEMM career pathways. Despite critiques (Linn et al., 2015), several national reports have recommended course-based undergraduate research experiences as an important mechanism for increasing persistence and retention of students (the National Academies, 2017; President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, 2012). The measured psychosocial shifts indicate that in addition to affecting learning outcomes, course curriculum changes

potentially provide increased affiliation cues and affirm student dignity and inclusion for minoritized students.

CREATE ACCESS TO HIGH-STATUS RELATIONSHIPS

Because of long-standing barriers, students from minoritized groups may be unable to cultivate meaningful relationships with people in higher-status roles, such as managers, professors, and other organizational leaders. These relationships are critical for opening doors to important opportunities for students, such as internship positions, career advice, and future letters of recommendation (e.g., Castilla et al., 2013a,b). For example, many working-class students who are the first in their families to attend college and do not have parents helping them navigate college life may not recognize the importance of forming these relationships or may not know how to cultivate them (Collier and Morgan, 2008; Jack, 2016). Even students who do understand the importance of faculty relationships may feel uncomfortable and self-conscious approaching high-status people they do not know out of a fear that doing so will make them be perceived as a “suck-up” (Collier and Morgan, 2008; Jack, 2016). Consequently, students, including minoritized students, often avoid approaching faculty members.

Enable Access to High-Status Mentors

Mentorship plays an essential role in the development and career trajectories of emerging STEMM professionals. Much of science professional development is based on an apprenticeship or mentorship model in which junior trainees work directly with other STEMM professionals and develop through their guidance. Mentorship is “a reciprocal, dynamic relationship between mentor (or mentoring team) and mentee that promotes the satisfaction and development of both” (McGee, 2016; p. 232). Mentoring relationships are complex and have a substantial impact on the professional and personal lives of the mentees (the National Academies, 2020).

Mentees are not passive recipients of their mentors’ guidance. Ideally, they and their mentors collaborate in reciprocal ways as they plan, act, reflect, question, and problem-solve (Pfund et al., 2016). While mentees acquire research skills they need to be scientifically productive and build professional knowledge to advance their careers, mentors acquire skills that enable them to nurture the academic and professional growth of the next generation more effectively. Mentors are successful if they can support their mentee in attaining transferable skills, knowledge, and confidence necessary to meet the latter’s individual goals. This requires mentors to understand their mentees’ unique needs and desires, as well as the flexibility and humility to adjust their approach to support the mentees’ success. In addition to disciplinary

training, successful mentees also must acquire the tacit “know how,” or social capital, to navigate political and disciplinary minefields, maintain personal and professional integrity, and learn the values of their professional fields (Csikszentmihalyi, 2009; Yosso, 2005; Zambrana et al., 2015).

The positive impacts of mentoring on student mentees are clear. Mentors contribute to students’ science identity by recognizing their mentees’ talent, teaching them what to do, validating their aspirations, and providing opportunities for mentees to take on more responsibility (Chemers et al., 2011; Hurtado et al., 2009). More generally, strong mentorship is associated with mentees’ self-efficacy (Laursen et al., 2010). Mentorship also benefits the mentor by fostering a sense of fulfillment, sharpening mentors’ leadership skills, and increasing their self-awareness (Dolan and Johnson, 2009; Laursen et al., 2010). Increased productivity among research mentees is associated with increased productivity for research mentors (Dolan and Johnson, 2009). For minoritized students in STEM, mentorship enhances pursuit of research-related career pathways (Hathaway et al., 2002; Nagda et al., 1998).

One study examined factors that predicted the integration of minoritized individuals in the STEM environment from students’ junior year through the postbaccalaureate year (Estrada et al., 2018). Researchers assessed mentees’ perceptions of the extent to which their mentor provided quality psychosocial, networking, and instrumental support. Results showed longitudinal support demonstrating that quality mentorship experiences were significantly associated with the integration of minoritized individuals in STEM (Estrada et al., 2018). Despite these promising findings, research demonstrates that Black, Latine, and Indigenous individuals typically receive less mentoring than their non-minoritized peers (Ginther et al., 2011; Morzinski and Fisher, 2002; Thomas, 2001).

Mentoring relationships are influenced by the mentor and mentee’s perceptions of the other (Byars-Winston et al., 2020) and are culturally informed in ways that vary by race and ethnicity (Byars-Winston et al., 2015, 2020; Prunuske et al., 2013). For example, research has shown that minoritized women in STEM are more interested in having discussions pertaining to issues of race and ethnicity with their mentors, as compared to their White counterparts (Muller et al., 2012).² Differences in priorities between mentors and mentees regarding race and ethnicity can create a disconnect and can potentially hurt minoritized mentees (Byars-Winston et al., 2015, 2020).

One qualitative study examined perspectives on mentoring minoritized students that were held by a sample of White faculty who did not often

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² Differences in priorities between mentors and mentees regarding race and ethnicity can create a disconnect, and can potentially hurt minoritized mentees (Byars-Winston et al., 2015, 2020).

mentor minoritized individuals (McCoy et al., 2015). In the interviews, their use of race-neutral, “colorblind” language (avoiding racial terms but implying them) allowed these White faculty members to describe their students as inferior, both academically and across a range of perceptions, while potentially ignoring issues related to structural racism. The faculty stated they utilized colorblind methods to “treat everyone equal;” however, the findings showed that their colorblind approach had negative implications for their perception of the mentees, including the assertion of their mentees as being inadequately prepared.

Misalignment of diversity related beliefs and expectations between mentors and mentees can complicate mentoring relationships (Carlone and Johnson, 2007; Chang et al., 2011; Hurtado et al., 2009; Johnson et al., 2011). Some programs, such as the National Institutes of Health-funded National Research Mentorship Network aims to strengthen alignment between mentees and mentors by teaching faculty five clusters of skills (McGee; 2016; Pfund et al., 2016). These include (i) teaching and evaluating research skills, (ii) building honest and trusting mentor-mentee relationships; (iii) providing psychosocial support (motivation, coping strategies, belonging); (iv) being culturally responsive (being self-aware of bias, reducing impacts of stereotype threat); and (v) being an active sponsor (helping mentees network, advocating for them, promoting their professional development).

Students from minoritized groups may be most comfortable forming working relationships with faculty of similar identities (Blake-Beard et al., 2011). However, as demonstrated in earlier chapters (see Chapter 3), few faculty are members of minoritized groups. This limits the chances that minoritized students have to interact with them. As an added barrier, the few minoritized faculty members tend to be over-extended. In part, this results from the fact that they are highly sought out by students with similar identities (Hirshfield and Joseph, 2012; Mondisa, 2018; Padilla, 1994; Stanley, 2006; Zambrana et al., 2015). Which is to say, numeric underrepresentation of minoritized faculty can contribute to the limited professional networks of students from minoritized groups. It is important, therefore, for academic STEMM departments to form relationships with STEMM organizations dedicated to nurturing diverse talent, such as SACNAS, NSBE, and the Annual Biomedical Conference for Minoritized Scientists. In addition, it is important for STEMM departments to create and support local chapters of these organizations and create annual opportunities for cohorts of students to travel to their conferences to build a network of peers and professionals from similar identity groups. These in-person connections can be supplemented with participation in virtual groups for minoritized scholars in STEMM (e.g., @LatinXinBME). Additional research is needed to examine the potential impact of other high-status individuals, including sponsors and champions, in other STEMM organizational environments beyond higher education.

ORGANIZATION OF THE RECOMMENDATIONS

This concluding section offers recommendations aligned with the core areas of empirical research discussed in the chapter. Specifically, Recommendation 5-1 corresponds to signaling inclusion through numeric representation and spatial design of local environments. Recommendation 5-2 corresponds to building peer relationships and community for minoritized groups. Recommendation 5-3 corresponds to creating access to high-status relationships. Recommendation 5-4 corresponds to additional strategies that are centered on fostering connections, emphasizing communal values, affirming kindness cues, and increasing an overall sense of belonging. The final, Recommendation 5-5, is centered on continuing research experience curriculum-based initiatives.

RECOMMENDATION 5-1: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

RECOMMENDATION 5-2: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

1. and they may not yield immediate results; however, they can increase a sense of welcome and belonging through the ability to connect with individuals from similar racial and ethnic backgrounds. Types of programs may include the following types of resources:
   1. Summer bridge programs.
   2. Living-learning communities.
   3. Peer and near-peer mentorship programs.
   4. Actively work to form relationships with national-level affinity societies (e.g., SACNAS, NSBE, AISES), create local chapters, and provide opportunities for minoritized individuals to connect with them.

RECOMMENDATION 5-3: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

RECOMMENDATION 5-4: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

1. 4. Emphasize and recognize the importance of communal values in STEMM work.
   5. Redesign STEMM curriculum to incorporate Indigenous ways of knowing, and actively involve Indigenous communities in the development of this process.
   6. Create cultural norms that communicate the strengths and struggles of minoritized groups.
   7. Provide access to culturally responsive mental health providers or resources with experience in addressing racial stress, trauma, and aggressions for minoritized individuals who have experienced distress and would like to pursue these options.
   8. Conduct bi-annual “cultural audits” to determine if the institution is fostering an environment of inclusion.

RECOMMENDATION 5-5: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

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