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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 463
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 465
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 466
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 467
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 471
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 475
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 480
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 483
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 488
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 489
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 490
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 491
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 492
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 493
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 494
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 496
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 497
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 498
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 499
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 500
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 501
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 502
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 503
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 504
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 505
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 506
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 507
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 508
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 509
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 512
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 514
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 515
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 516
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 517
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 518
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 519
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 520
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 521
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 522
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 523
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 524
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 525
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 526
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 527
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 528
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 529
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 530
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 531
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 532
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 533
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 534
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 535
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 536
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 537
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 538
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 539
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 540
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 541
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 542
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 543
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 544
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 545
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 546
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 547
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 548
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 549
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 550
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 551
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 552
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 553
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 554
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 555
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 556
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 557
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Page 559
Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Suggested Citation:"Part V. Social Processes." National Research Council. 1988. Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques, Background Papers (Complete Set). Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/778.
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Below is the uncorrected machine-read text of this chapter, intended to provide our own search engines and external engines with highly rich, chapter-representative searchable text of each book. Because it is UNCORRECTED material, please consider the following text as a useful but insufficient proxy for the authoritative book pages.

PART V. Social Processes 1

Influence Strategies Dean G. Pruitt, Jennifer Crocker, and Deborah Hanes State University of New York at Buffalo

1 Bandler and Grinder (1975), founders of the neurolinguistic programming tradition, have argued that therapists who match their clients' preferred representational system (visual, auditory or kinesthetic) will "create an atmosphere of rapport and understanding'' and, by implication, increase their influence over these clients. This is only one kind of matching that has been advocated as a means of achieving influence. Arguments can be made for the efficacy of matching attitudes, making eye contact, role reversal (in which one feeds back to the other her perspective in a quarrel), and the like Furthermore, there is a long tradition of research and practice on the efficacy of reciprocity, that is, matching benefit for benefit and harm for harm. This paper presents an overview of theory and research on all kinds of matching...its impact on behavior and its origins. The paper contains two main sections. One deals with substantive matching, that is, similarity in appearance between one's behavior and characteristics and those of the other party. The other deals with reciprocity. SUBSTANTIVE MATCHING AS A SOCIAL INFLUENCE STRATEGY In this section, we consider the role of substantive matching in the social influence process. Included within this rubric are similarity of attitudes, appearance, and

2 personality characteristics, as well as nonverbal and verbal behaviors. The section will be divided into two subsections, one on matching of personal characteristics and the other on matching in communication. Part of the latter discussion will consider the role of substantive matching as a source of influence in psychotherapy. In reviewing these literatures, we will discuss research and theory that is mostly consistent with the following assertions. First, matching produces positive attitudes (by which we mean greater liking, rapport/ or trust). Second, positive attitudes increase influence. Third, matching increases influence, a point that can be derived from the first two assertions. Matching of Personal Characteristics Similarity and Attraction A voluminous body of research has examined the link between similarity on dimensions such as attractiveness, attitudes, and personality characteristics and liking. Attitude Similarity Perceived similarity of attitudes appears to be a particularly important source of attraction. For example, in a field study, Newcomb (1961) found that the

3 extent of attitude similarity predicted the degree to which people were attracted to each other after several months of association. Laboratory experiments involving the manipulation of perceived attitudes also provide consistent support for the hypothesis that people tend to like others whose attitudes seem similar to theirs (see Berscheid and Walster, 1969; 1978; Byrne, 1971; for reviews). Some, and perhaps virtually all, people seem to be aware that similarity of attitudes increases liking, and use this principle to increase their attractiveness to another. In a study by Zanna and Pack (1975), female subjects learned that they would meet an attractive or an unattractive male, who held either traditional or liberal attitudes toward women. When the male was attractive, but not when he was unattractive, the subjects presented themselves as more liberal to the liberal male, and more traditional to the traditional male. Thus, the subjects deliberately matched (or gave the appearance of matching) the attitudes of the attractive male, presumably to increase their attractiveness to him. There are limitations to the strategy of attitude matching. There is no increase in liking when one perceives that another person is expressing similarity of attitudes with manipulative intent, for the purpose of ingratiation (Jones, 1964; Jones and Pittman, 1982; Jones and Wortman, 1973~. When one has a need for uniqueness (Snyder and Fronkin, 1980), a highly similar other will threaten this

4 need, and one will tend not to like the other. In addition, when similarity to another person has unpleasant implications, the other will be disliked. For example, attitudinal similarity leads to decreased willingness to interact with another if the other is believed to have a history of emotional disturbance (Novak and Lerner, 1968; see also Cooper and Jones, 1969; Taylor and Mettee, 1971; and see Berscheid, 1985 for a review). The effect of attitude similarity on attraction appears to be most important at the beginning of a relationship (Berscheid, 1985~. In dating couples, similarity of attitudes appears to decline as a determinant of the progress of the relationship (Hillel al., 1976; Levinger, 1972), whereas similarity of age, intelligence and physical appearance holds its own (Hill et al., 1976~. The reason for the declining significance of attitudes in these relationships is not clear. Conceivably, similarity of attitudes is an initial "screening" criterion for involvement in a relationship, and similarity along other dimensions becomes more important once this criterion is satisfied. Similarity in Physical Attractiveness Couples in long-term relationships tend to be similar in physical attractiveness. This is true of same-sex friends (cf. Cash and Derlega, 1978) as well as of dating couples (Berscheid et al., 1971; Murstein, 1972; Silverman, 1971) and married couples

(Murstein and Christy, 1976~. In contrast to attitude similarity, this effect does not seem to be due to the impact of similarity on attraction. In general, when judging strangers, people report more liking for more physically attractive others, regardless of how similar they are in attractiveness (see Adams and Crossman, 1978; Berscheid and Walster, 1974; Huston and Levinger, 1978, for reviews). However, it is inevitable that compromises must be made since the choice of a romantic partner must be mutual. Hence, in the long run, people tend to choose others who are similar in attractiveness because those individuals are more likely to choose them in return than are more attractive individuals. Similarity in Personality Popular intuition to the contrary, there is no convincing empirical support for either the hypothesis that similarity of personalities will increase liking or the hypothesis that dissimilarity (i.e., complementarily) of personalities will increase liking (e.g., Ajzen, 1974; Hoffman and Mater, 1966; Meyer and Pepper, 1977; Murstein, 1976~. Theories of Similarity Effects on Attraction There are several theoretical explanations for the effects of similarity on liking. These tend to explain the effects of similarity on some dimensions better than others. Byrne (1971) has suggested a reinforcement interpretation, which

6 applies most clearly to attitude similarity. According to Byrne (1971:338), attitude similarity is directly reinforcing, because it satisfies the need to feel that one is "logical, consistent, and accurate in interpreting the stimulus world." Heider's (1958) balance theory also accounts for the effects of similarity of attitudes on liking. It suggests that if we share another person's attitude toward some object, then the tendency toward a balanced "P-O-X" (person-other-object) system will lead to a tendency to feel positively about the other. Furthermore, if we like another person, we will tend to assume that the other shares our attitudes (cf. Granberg and King, 1980; Levinger and Breedlove, 1966~. Berscheid (1985) notes that attitude similarity may have either positive or negative implications, although positive implications are probably more common. For example, attitude similarity may provide a person with consensual validation for her opinions, imply that the other will like her, permit greater prediction of the other's behavior, and suggest that the person will enjoy interacting with the other in mutually enjoyable activities. Hence, Berscheid (1985:457) concludes that, "it is not so much similarity itself that is rewarding or dissimilarity alone that is punishing; rather it is the implications, presumed or anticipated, of those facts that are responsible for similarity-attraction effects and for their limitations and exceptions."

7 Matching of attributes that define or create social categories, such as religion or ethnicity, may increase liking by creating a sense of shared group membership. According to Heider (1958) "unit relations" lead to "sentiment relations." That is, a sense of belonging together leads to liking, and a sense of not belonging together leads to disliking. For example, matching on religious or ethnic group membership tends to produce a perceived "unit relationship," which will tend to create positive sentiments. Research on "ingroup bias" effects has provided a considerable amount of evidence that perceived unit relations lead to greater liking for members of the unit (or group) and possibly less liking for those who are not members of the unit (cf. Brewer, 1979; Brewer and Kramer, 1985~. A striking finding of research on this "ingroup bias" effect is that the group boundaries may be based on trivial or even arbitrary criteria, and still lead to ingroup bias. For example, an individual who has been (arbitrarily) characterized as an overestimator of dots will tend to rate other overestimators more positively than one who has been characterized as an underestimator (Tajfel, 1970~. Even when the group membership is randomly determined through a lottery procedure, individuals tend to rate ingroup members more favorably (Billig, 1973; Billig and Tajfel, 1973; Cracker et al., in press; Crocker and Schwartz, 1985; Locksley et al., 1980; Rabble and Horwitz,

8 1969~. Thus, a sense of ingroup vs. outgroup, or "unit relation," may be created by matching people on virtually any attribute, however trivial. In summary, many types of similarity, but especially attitude similarity, lead to increased attraction under most circumstances. The relationship between similarity and attraction is probably multiply determined tHuston and Levinger, 1976~. Effects of Liking on Influence We have just reviewed evidence that matching of personal attributes, especially attitudes, leads to increased attraction for the person doing the matching. We now turn to the issue of whether this attraction increases that person's influence. Several theories predict that attractive others are more persuasive (McGuire, 1985~. For example, Kelman's (1961) analysis of social influence processes suggests two mechanisms. First, to the extent that one party likes another, the other has the power to punish the first by withdrawing from the relationship. Thi power may induce compliance in the first party--that is, he does what the other wants him to do (or what he thinks the other wants him to do) because he sees this as a way to elicit a desired response from the other. Second, to the extent that a party likes another, that party may identify s

9 with the other and accept influence because of this identification. In other words, the individual may derive some satisfying part of his self-concept through his relationship with the other. This may lead him to accept influence as a way of maintaining this desired relationship, and consequently the desired self-concept. For example, whereas I may comply with the law because it has the power to punish me, I may accede to the influence of my mentor because my relationship to her comprises an important, and valued, part of my self-concept. Heider's (1958) balance theory also suggests that liked others will be more persuasive, because a system is balanced if we share the attitudes of those we like. Empirical evidence that liking increases influence has been provided in several studies (Eagly and Chaiken, 1975; Sampson and Insko, 1964; Schuler, 1982; Tannenbaum, 1956). Attractive communicators are particularly influential when they advocate undesirable positions (Eagly and Chaiken, 1975). Eagly and Chaiken have argued that this is because attractive communicators are not expected to advocate undesirable positions, giving them more credibility when they do. Attractive communicators are also more influential when the arguments in a message are weak (Brandstatter et al., 1982~. In other words, the attractiveness of the communicator matters more when the communicator's case is on shaky ground or has a relatively low chance of persuading the recipient.

10 When does the attractiveness of a communicator matter and what are its effects relative to the effects of the quality of the arguments themselves? In their elaboration likelihood models Petty and Cacioppo (19811 1986) have proposed a theory of the circumstances under which source characteristics may be more important than the quality of the arguments themselves. They suggest that persuasion may occur by one of two routes which they call the central route and the peripheral route. Persuasion by the central route essentially means that recipients attend to the quality of the arguments presented. If the arguments are sound and convincing, then persuasion takes place. If they are weak, the recipient will not be persuaded. Persuasion by the peripheral route refers to the effects on persuasion by variables other than the quality of the arguments presented. For example, when message recipients are affected by the characteristics of the source of the message, then persuasion by the peripheral route is said to have occurred. According to Petty and Cacioppo (1983, 1986), persuasion occurs via the central route when recipients are involved in the the contents of the message, that is, when the message has personal consequences for them. Persuasion occurs by the peripheral route when they are uninvolved, that is, when the message does not have personal consequences for them. For example, in one study students were presented arguments supporting a comprehensive exam

11 requirement at their university (Petty et al., 1981~. For subjects in the high involvement condition, this policy would be put in place the following year, and therefore would affect the subjects themselves. For subjects in the low involvement condition, the policy would be instituted several years after they graduated. For subjects in the high involvement condition, the quality and number of arguments presented determined their agreement with the message, but source characteristics had no effect. For subjects in the low involvement condition, the credibility of the source of the message, but not the quality of the arguments, determined agreement. In a similar study (Petty et al., 1983), under conditions of low involvement, the reputation of the source of a message affected persuasion; but under conditions of high involvement only argument quality affected persuasion. In a study directly relevant to the issue of source likeability, Chaiken (1980) found that a likeable source was more persuasive than an unlikeable source when subjects were low in involvement, but not when subjects were high in involvement. Chaiken's theoretical account of these effects differs in some ways from Petty and Cacioppo's elaboration likelihood model, but is generally consistent with the hypothesis that source characteristics influence persuasion only when the recipients of a message are low in involvement (see Chaiken and Stangor, 1986, for a discussion of the differences between the two models). ~ .

12 In summary, several theoretical perspectives suggest that attractive others are more influential than unattractive others. Furthermore, empirical evidence supports this hypothesis, at least under conditions of low involvement with the issue. To date, research suggests that liking for a communicator matters most when the message recipient is uninvolved in the issue, when the arguments are weak, or when the position advocated is undesirable. Effects of Similarity on Influence We have provided qualified evidence for two points regarding similarity in personal attributes: first, similar others are often liked more than dissimilar others, and second, liked others tend to be more influential than disliked others. Together these mechanisms imply one way in which similarity may affect interpersonal influence--by increasing liking which fosters greater influence. Similarity can have an effect on influence in a second way as well--by increasing or decreasing the credibility of the source of a communication (Simons et al. J 1970). This mechanism sometimes works in opposition to the attraction mechanism, when a similar communication source is better liked but regarded as lower in credibility than a dissimilar source.

Two types of similarity between communicator and recipient have been investigated in studies of the effects of source similarity on persuasion. One is similarity on the issue in question, that is, the extent to which the position advocated by the communicator;is similar to the position already held by the message recipient. The second is similarity on other dimensions, such as socioeconomic status, attitudes on other issues, experience, etc. Turning first to studies of the second type of similarity (similarity on other dimensions), some research indicates that similar communicators are more persuasive (Berscheid, 1966; Brock, 1965; Mills and Jellison, 1968~. This is especially true when the similarity is relevant to the issue under discussion (Berscheid, 1966; Brock, 1965; see Simons et al. for a discussion), probably because issue- relevant similarity increases the credibility of the communicator. Furthermore, on matters of taste or preference, similar communicators may be more persuasive, because we believe we are more likely to agree with the preferences of similar than dissimilar others (Goethals and Nelson, 1973~. By contrast, communicators who are dissimilar by virtue of having more knowledge, training, or experience relevant to the issue than the recipient tend to be especially persuasive (Aronson et al., 1963; Boncheck, 1967; Haiman, 1949; Paulson, 1954~. Communicators who are dissimilar by virtue of having higher status or more knowledge may be more

14 persuasive on some types of issues but less persuasive on others. Such communicators are likely to be more credible and consequently more persuasive on matters of objective fact, because they are more likely to know the facts. Studies of opinion leaders suggest that they are similar to the people they influence in ways that increase liking and dissimilar in ways that increase credibility (see Simon et al. for a discussion). Opinion leaders have been found to share attitudinal and membership-group similarities with the persons they influence (Katz, 1957; 1963~. At the same time, however, opinion leaders tend to be more competent, more interested, better informed, and to have access to wider sources of information than those they influence (Lazarsfeld and Menzel, 1963~. In summary, research suggests that, holding credibility constant, similar communicators are more persuasive than dissimilar communicators, probably because they are more attractive. The research reviewed in the previous section suggests that dissimilar communicators may be more influential when their dissimilarity gives them credibility. Both of these effects are most likely to be true when the recipient of the communication is low in involvement (Petty et al., 1981~. The second type of similarity is the match between the position advocated in a message and the position initially held by the recipient of the message. The social judgment model of Sherif and Hovland (1961) predicts that attitude

15 change (i.e., influence) will be greatest when the position advocated by the message neither precisely matches, nor extremely mismatches, the position of the recipient. Sherif and Hoviand invoke the concepts of assimilation and contrast to account for this effect. Specifically, they argue that positions that are close to one's own (i.e., are within the latitude of acceptance) will be assimilated to one's own position, and there is little room for attitude change. As a result, little attitude change will take place. Positions that differ from one's own, (i.e., are within the latitude of rejection) will be contrasted with one's position, and will lead to little or no attitude change, or even change in a direction away from that advocated by the message (a "boomerang" effect). According to Sherif and Hoviand's social judgment model, then, neither matching nor mismatching of an opinion advocated by a message and the recipient's opinion is effective as a social influence strategy. A moderate degree of mismatching, which avoids the recipient's latitude of rejection, is likely to maximize social influence. Research on the effects of message-recipient match of positions on attitude change suggests that attitude change tends to increase as the message becomes more discrepant from the recipient's position, but with a negatively accelerated function (Bochner and Insko, 1966; White, 1975~. Boomerang effects occur only at extreme levels of discrepancy between the message position and recipient

16 position (Aronson et al., 1963; Bochner anc] Insko, 1966; Insko, Murashima and Saiyadain, 1966; McGinnies, 1973; White, 1975~. Both the assimilation and contrast model of Sherif and Holland, and the finding that similarity of attitudes leacis to greater influence, may account for these effects. Summary and Conclusions The research reviewed in this section suggests that matching another's attitudes may be an effective strategy of social influence. Attitude matching results in increased liking which, in turn, increases influence. In addition, others with similar attitudes may have greater credibility. Matching on other dimensions, such as personality characteristics or appearance appears to be less effective as an influence strategy. One caveat regarding all of this literature concerns actual vs. perceived similarity or matching. The research in this area tends to manipulate or measure actual similarity, and examine its effects on liking. However, it is people's perceptions or judgments that they are similar or dissimilar that mediates most of the effects. Although perceived similarity is often quite close to actual similarity, discrepancies between the two are sometimes

17 found. Such discrepancies sometimes reflect a strategic effort to curry favor by feigning similarity. Matching in Communication In this section, we consider the effects of matching behavior (either verbal or nonverbal) in communication. Matching of aspects of another person's communication behavior occurs in both informal (e.g., normal conversation) and formal (e.g., the therapeutic relationship) contexts. The literature on matching in communication will be reviewed in the fo1 lowing three areas: nonverbal studies, role reversal, and therapy studies. The literature on nonverbal behavior indicates that matching may occur in three major areas; eye contact, interactional synchrony, and other nonverbal conversational behavior (e.g., duration of pauses, interruptions). Eye Contact Eye contact, defined as meeting another's gaze, is a nonverbal behavior that can be used as an influence strategy. Engaging in eye contact has been shown to make communications more persuasive. Messages accompanied by eye contact are judged more authentic and favorable than

18 messages not accompanied by eye contact (Exline and E1dridge, 1967~. People are more likely to change their attitudes to agree with another person when the other makes eye contact than when he does not (Goldman, 1980~. Finally, people comply more with requests from experimenters who engage in eye contact than experimenters who do not (see Kleinke, 1986, for a review). People seem to recognize the usefulness of eye contact in persuasion attempts. Subjects were found to engage in higher amounts of eye contact when instructed to be persuasive than when not given these instructions (Mehrabian and Williams, 1969~. Eye contact may increase influence in at least two ways. First, when a person makes eye contact with another, the other may like that person better, thus increasing that person's influence over the other. Second, eye contact indicates a desire to dominate. This increases influence to the extent that the other is dependent on the person who is making the eye contact. Evidence that eye contact can increase liking is provided in a study by Breed et al., (1972~. They found that students of college professors who engaged in eye contact liked their professors more (and performed better) than students of professors who did not make eye contact. Furthermore, the studies reviewed by Kleinke (1986) suggest that eye contact increases influence when it is interpreted by the recipient as an attempt to be friendly. In a review of the literature, Capella (1981) concluded that, holding

19 other variables constant, an increase in gaze during cooperative or neutral interactions leads to increased attraction. Evidence that eye contact is sometimes employed in an effort to dominate is provided by studies showing that people with a high need to control looked at others more while speaking than while listening (Exline , 1975~. In addition, research on negotiation (Carnevale et al., 1981; Lewis and Fry, 1977) has shown that competitive verbalizations are associated with eye contact and are much diminished when a barrier is placed between the bargainers so that they can talk to but not see each other. The latter finding suggests either that eye contact (staring) is an integral part of a dominance routine which cannot be easily enacted if staring is blocked, or that, in competitive settings, staring is interpreted as an effort at dominance, producing defensive counterdominance behavior. Recipients may interpret eye contact either as a manipulative strategy or an attempt at affiliation (Kendon, 1967~. Whether eye contact indicates attempts to be friendly or to dominate appears to depend on the nature of the interaction (Druckman et al., 1982~. Exline (1963) has shown that in a competitive situation, those who are high in need.for affiliation engage in less eye contact than those who are low in need for affiliation. This relationship is reversed in cooperative settings, with those who are high in need for affiliation engaging in more eye contact than those ~ .

20 who are low in this need. This suggests again that in competitive settings, eye contact may communicate attempts at dominance (and therefore is avoided by those who want to be liked), whereas in cooperative settings' it may communicate attempts to be friendly (and therefore is used by those who want to be liked). The effectiveness of eye contact as an influence strategy appears to be moderated by the characteristics of the recipient. Kleinke (1986) discusses several moderating variables, including the recipient's age, sex, and culture. For example, many cultures such as the Navaho Indians and Japanese view looking while speaking as impolite, whereas infrequent eye contact in other cultures signals insecurity and dishonesty. As another example! before age six, children do not associate eye contact with affiliation. Taken together, these findings suggest that eye contact (matching gaze) may increase a party's influence over another through two mechanisms--increased liking or increased dominance. Increased liking of one party for another may increase the other's influence in cooperative situations, whereas increased dominance of one party over another may increase the party's influence in competitive situations. Research showing that people engage in more eye contact when instructed to be persuasive (Mehrabian and Williams, 1969) suggests that they are able to use eye contact to increase their influence. Although Patterson (1982; 1983) has suggested that eye contact is used

21 intentionally to obtain social control, Kleinke (1979) found that people were unable to estimate accurately how much they were gazing at another, suggesting that they may not always be aware that they are using eye contact for this purpose. Interactions Synchrony A second type of matching of nonverbal behavior that may occur during interaction is interactional synchrony. This is defined as precise, harmonious changes in the direction of body movement between speaker and listener. Some research suggests that this phenomenon occurs during normal conversation. Condon and Ogston (1966; 1967) analyzed films of dyads interacting, and of groups of people listening to a speaker. Kendon (1970) filmed dyads interacting in a hose] lounge, and analyzed the interactions for evidence of nonverbal synchrony. In both cases, the researchers reported evidence of interactional synchrony, although in neither case were statistical analyses of the data reported. McDowall (1978) has argued, on the basis of evidence, that this phenomenon does not occur at levels greater than expected by chance. Even if interactional synchrony does not occur over the entire course of a conversation, however, it may be associated with particular events during the conversation, such as attempts to indicate understanding, agreement, liking, etc.

22 Both Kendon and Condon and Ogston propose that interactional synchrony results in increased rapport. According to Condon and Ogston (1966; 1967), synchrony provides constant feedback regarding the level of attention and interest of a conversation partner. Synchrony appears to show the partner is "with" us in movement as well as thought. Hence, it may produce a sense of being understood and enhanced rapport. If synchrony increases liking or rapport, it may also increase influence, because of the effects of attraction on influence which we have noted above. However, there is as yet no empirical evidence on the effects of interactional synchrony on liking or influence. It is not clear whether participants in a conversation are aware of interactional synchrony when it occurs. It is possible that synchrony occurs unintentionally or unconsciously, perhaps as a result of a natural tendency to imitate. Alternatively, synchrony may be the result of both parties searching for a mutually accommodating pattern of body movements that is comfortable and acceptable to both of them. Can synchrony be used deliberately to increase one's influence over another? To the extent that synchrony ordinarily occurs outside of awareness, it may be difficult to control deliberately. However, it is possible that people can synchronize their behavior with another's

23 deliberately, and thus increase their influence. Again, further research is needed to address this issue. Matching during Conversation Behavior A third type of nonverbal behavior that may be matched during conversation is response latency, intensity of response, and the incidence of pauses (Capella, 1981~. In conversations, these nonverbal behaviors tend to correlate between two participants at a level of r=.39 to .62 (Capella, 1981~. Matarazzo and Weins (1972) found that people imitate the length of their partner's utterances, reaction latency, and percentage of interruptions. These results have been found both in the laboratory fallen et al., 1965) and in naturalistic settings (Matarazzo et al., 1968). Research has not, to our knowledge, addressed the consequences of these types of nonverbal matching. As with interactional synchrony, they may produce increased rapport. Alternatively, as with eye contact, they may produce either increased liking or signals of dominance, depending on the situation in which they occur. They should also produce social influence if either of these hypotheses is supported, but this issue has not been subjected to research. Matching as role reversal. Another type of matching that may occur during conversation is role reversal. In

24 role reversal, one presents the feelings and viewpoints of the other person while the other is present (Johnson, 1971a). Johnson (1967, 1971b) has studied the effects of role reversal in the context of negotiation. Accurate role reversal leads recipients to perceive their partner as understanding and themselves as understood (Johnson, 1971a). This enhances their willingness to make concessions, perhaps because of reduced defensive adherence to their position and a lessened sense of being threatened by the other Is position (Johnson, 1971a). However, if the positions of the interactants are mutually exclusive, then role reversal results in less appreciation of the other's position than if each party simply presents his or her own position (Johnson, 1967~. Thus, the more incompatible the positions of interactants are, the less effective role reversal will be in encouraging rapport and resulting influence. The manner in which one role reverses also appears to affect the outcome. Warm role reversal makes one perceive similarity between oneself and the party doing it and enhances trust in that party. However, it paradoxically also decreases that party's influence, probably because one concedes less when the other negotiator seems more sympathetic to one's position (Johnson, 1971c). The latter finding may apply only to competitive situations such as were studied in Johnson's experiment. Research has not investigated the effects of role reversal in noncompetitive

25 situations, but it seems likely that warm role reversal would lead to more influence than cold role reversal in such situations, because it results in increased attraction, which enhances influence in noncompetitive situations. Neurolinguistic Programming in Psychotherapy One domain in which the effects of matching in communication has received a great deal of attention recently is matching of therapist/client behaviors in psychotherapy. Bandler and Grinder (1975) have proposed a theory of neurolinguistic programming (NLP), to account for the success (or lack thereof) of psychotherapy. According to these authors, people can process reality though several representational systems, the three most important of which are the visual, auditory, and kinesthetic systems. Each individual is hypothesized to have one consistent system through which he typically processes reality, called the preferred representational system (PRS). The PRS of an individual is purported to be revealed both in the verbal content of his speech and in eye movements. For example, people who phrase statements using the words "I feel" and turn their eyes downward are hypothesized to process reality via the kinesthetic mode. Bandler and Grinder believe that their theory has many practical applications. They argue that assessing and

26 matching clients' PRS can be especially helpful in psychotherapy. Therapists are instructed to phrase their language to match the client's PRS and also to nonverbally match those eye movements that purportedly correspond to the client's PRS. Bandler and Grinder (1975) suggest that "master" therapists match their clients' PRS and are effective because they match. They also indicate that NLP theory applies only to right-handed people. Matching clients' representational systems verbally and nonverbally is hypothesized, like accurate role reversal, to give the impression that the therapist is seeing the world the way their clients do (Grinder & Bandler, 1976~. This should communicate to the clients that the therapist understands them thoroughly. Viewing one's partner as understanding is associated with increased levels of trust (Johnson, 1971a), as noted in our consideration of research on role reversal. Furthermore, trust in a counselor increases a counselor's influence over a client (Strong and Schmidt, 1970~. Research on NLP has not generally been kind to this theory. First, with respect to whether individuals have preferred representational systems, (Gumm et al. (1982~) report that the three methods of determining a person's PRS (i.e., eye movement, verbalization, and self-report) are not significantly correlated. Eye movement! in particular J has been found to be an unreliable indicator of PRS (Thomason et al. 1980~. PRS as indicated by subjects' verbalizations was

27 found to be stable over a one week period in one study (Birholtz, 1981~. However, in this study all subjects were found to use the kinesthetic mode, which contradicts the theory's assumption that there are individual differences in PRS. A study by Hammer (1983) suggested that people may have more than one representational system. Thus, the basic hypothesis that there is a PRS which differs across individuals is not yet established. Many of the studies cited as supporting the assumptions of NLP use the unreliable eye movement indicator of PRS (see Sharpley, 1984, for a review). In sum, the empirical foundation of NLP is quite weak. One study has investigated the consequences of matching the representational system (e.g., "I feel" or "I sees') employed in an individual's most recent statement. This was found to lead to a perception of the therapist as empathic (Hammer, 1983~. However, it should be noted that matching a person's most recently used representational system may or may not involve matching her preferred representational system (PRS). Other research (Paxton, 1981) has shown that both matching and mismatching a client's PRS as indicated by verbal statements led to more improvement than nonmatching. There are at least two possible explanations for this result. First, in light of Hammer's (1983) finding that people may have more than one representational system, it is possible that mismatching one representational system led to matching another. Alternatively, and more likely, it is

28 possible that how the client represents reality is irrelevant, and any statement by the therapist phrased in the form "I feel..." or "I see..." or "I hear..." is more effective than statements that are not phrased this way. The existing research on NLP theory suffers from several additional weaknesses (Sharpley, 1984~. Most important, research has not examined whether PRS matching is necessary or sufficient for successful therapy outcomes. Most studies to date have examined only a single session, involving experimenters and subjects rather than counselors and clients. Most studies have measured only the experimenter's judgments of the effectiveness of the matching, rather than assessing long-term changes in clients' behavior. Research has not addressed whether the PRS is actually a manifestation of an underlying neurolinguistic schema, or merely a learned language pattern. Finally, research on NLP to date has almost exclusively used female undergraduates in American psychology laboratories, raising questions about the external validity and generalizability of the findings. It is not clear whether any positive effects of matching representational systems are due to the mechanisms proposed by the theory, or are merely due to reflecting the client's statements back to her, as advocated by client-centered therapists (cf. Rogers, 1951) for decades. Hence, it is yet to be determined whether NLP theory is something new, or merely a reinvention of the wheel.

29 In light of the research that is still needed on the fundamental assumptions of NLP theory, it might seem premature to call for studies of whether therapists (and others) can be trained to detect and match their clients' PRS. However, NLP is being taught at seminars for psychotherapists across the nation, suggesting that evaluation of the effectiveness of these seminars is needed. In the event that further research supports the assumptions and effectiveness of NLP theory, it would be interesting to determine the effects of matching PRS in relationships other than the client-therapist interaction. Other Therapy Studies Apart from matching a client's PRS, there are numerous other dimensions on which therapists might match their clients, including SES, gender, personality traits, and attitudes. Relatively little research has addressed the consequences of matching on these other dimensions of client-therapist interactions. In one large-scale study of matching, Berzins (1977) found that therapists who differed from their clients on the personality dimensions of autonomy and dependency are most likely to be successful. This may be because a dissimilar therapist provides a role model for clients along dimensions that are relevant to the clients' problems.

30 Research reviewed earlier suggests that matching client attitudes on topics of importance to the client may increase client liking for the therapist, and consequently increase the therapist's influence. Matching of behaviors other than NLP may also increase rapport in the therapist-client relationship, increasing the therapist's influence. However, some types of mismatching (e.g., mismatching of education or experience) may increase the therapist's credibility, and hence increase his or her influence. Clearly, the possibilities for using matching or mismatching to increase a therapist's influence over a client have not been adequately explored. Conclusions Research and theory on substantive matching suggests that matching on a wide variety of dimensions and behavior may increase influence over another person. One mechanism by which matching has this effect is by causing the other to like the matcher, consequently increasing influence. Research on matching of attitudes and nonverbal behaviors is especially consistent with this conclusion. Another mechanism by which matching may increase influence is by increasing the credibility of the matcher. However, whether matching or mismatching increases credibility may depend on whether the topic of the influence attempt is one of

31 objective fact or subjective preference. Research in persuasion contexts shows that the likeability and credibility of the communicator affect persuasion only if the recipient of the communication is relatively uninvolved in the issue. However, considerable attempts at social influence occur outside of direct persuasion contexts, and the likeability and credibility of the communicator may have more impact in these other contexts. Research on role playing in competitive (negotiation) settings indicates that verbalizing the other's position in the other's presence increases one's influence by leading the other to feel understood and thus enhancing trust. Similarly, NLP theory proposes that matching a client's PRS increases that client's trust in the therapist, which may augment the therapist's influence. However, the role playing research indicates that warm role playing, while it augments liking and trust, may undermine influence by making the other think he is winning. This suggests that fostering liking and trust are not a sure road to influence in competitive interactions. One must also foster respect in the sense of a belief that one will not easily concede from one's essential position or allow oneself to be easily exploited. In the next section, we will consider the effects of matching in mixed-motive situations, in which both cooperation and competition are possible.

32 RECIPROCITY AND SOCIAL INFLUENCE This section deals with reciprocity, the matching of reward for reward and/or punishment for punishment. Reciprocity is found in relations between col~ectivities (groups, organizations, nations) as well as between people. Hence, the participants in the interactions discussed in this section will be ca1 leaf "parties" rather than "people." Reciprocity enters into the influence process in two ways: (a) Reciprocating another party's rewards and/or punishments tends to encourage that party to provide further rewards and avoid providing further punishments. (b) If the other party practices reciprocity, we can get that party to do favors for us by providing reward to that party. These points will be discussed in the two main subsections of this section. The mechanisms by which reciprocity leads to influence are quite different from those by which substantive matching leads to influence. Hence, there will be very little overlap between the last section and this section. Reciprocating another Party's Behavior The bulk of the research on the effect of reciprocity is found in three kinds of studies: studies of instrumental ~earning, studies of concession matching in negotiation, and

33 studies of reactions to the other party's strategy in the prisoner's dilemma (PD). The instrumental learning paradigm is a simple case of reciprocity, with the trainer providing reward in exchange for cooperation and/or punishment in exchange for noncooperation. Much research has shown that this routine is highly effective in encouraging further cooperation from its target (see Hulse, Egeth and Deese, 1980). Negotiation can be defined as any communication sequence that is designed to reach agreement on an issue or issues for which there is an initial divergence of interest. Reciprocity of concession making has been shown to be an effective way to induce further concession making in this setting (Komorita and Esser, 1975; Wall, 1977, 1981~. The PD is a reward structure that is usually presented in matrix form. An abstract version of the PD is presented below on the left, and a numerical example is presented below on the right. Column's Options Cl Dl Column Is Options Cl D' Rowls C R,R' S,T' Rowls C 6,8 -4,12 Options D T,S' p,pl Options D 10,-2 3,3 The participants are viewed as having two options: to cooperate (C and C') or to fad] to cooperate (i.e., to defect) (D and D'). The row prayer Is outcomes for each pair

34 of options are given to the left of the comma and the column player's outcomes to the right of the comma.1 For example, when row chooses D and column chooses C', row gets T (10) and column gets S' (-2). The reward structure is a PD if T > R > P > S and T' > R' > P' > S'. The PD is paradoxical because actions that seem rational for a single party are self-defeating if both parties take them. Since T > R and P > S for both parties, it is rational for both parties to fail to cooperate (choose D and D' instead of C and C'). Yet if they do so, they are both worse off than if both cooperate, since R > P for both of them. It should also be noted that the parties are dependent on each other in the PD, that is, the other party's cooperation has value for both parties. This is because R > S and T > P for both parties. Two examples of the PD come to mind: (1) Two neighbors with different types of tools. Cooperative behavior (C) would be loaning a tool when needed, noncooperative behavior (D) would be failing to do so. Both parties are better off if they both loan tools (R'Rt) than if they both do not (P,P'). However, there is a temptation (T) to borrow but not to loan, which, if successful, gives the other the worst possible outcome (S). (2) Two nations each trying to decide whether to develop a new and more deadly weapons system (D and Dl) or not to develop the system (C and C'). The parties are better off if neither develops the system (R. R') than if both do so (P. P'). But there is a temptation

35 (T or T') to try to develop the system first before the other does so, and the danger that the other will develop it first (giving one an outcome of S or S') also motivates development of the system. The PD is a very common reward structure in real-life settings. Most ethical principles, e.g., sharing norms, can be construed as producing mutual cooperation in what would otherwise be a troublesome PD. There is a link between the earlier section on substantive matching and work on the PD in that perceived attitude similarity has been found to predict cooperation (choice of C) in the PD (Tornatzky and Geiwitz, 1968; McNeel and Reid, 1975~. This is probably related to a broader finding that perceived ethnic or attitude similarity begets helpful behavior (Hornstein, 1976~. It seems reasonable to assume that attraction mediates these relationships in that perceived similarity produces~attraction (Berscheid and Walster, 1969, 1978; Byrne, 1971; Newcomb, 1961) and attraction encourages cooperation in the PD (McClintock et al., 1970; Swingle and Gillis, 1968; Oskamp and Periman, 1966). We can define reciprocity in the PD as cooperating (choosing C') in response to the other's cooperation (C) and failing to cooperate (choosing D') in response to the other's noncooperation (D). the "tit-for-tat" strategy. Another term for reciprocity is This strategy has been shown to be very effective for eliciting cooperation from the other

36 party (Deutsch, 1973; Kuhlman and Marshello, 1975; Oskamp, 1971; Pilisuk et al., 1968; Pruitt, 1981; Wilson, 1971; Wrightsman et al., 1972~. Explanations for the Success of Reciprocity There is considerable danger in trying to generalize across learning, negotiation and PD settings, because these settings differ on many dimensions. One dimension is that negotiation and PD settings usually involve mutually acknowledged divergence of interest, while learning settings do not. Another dimension is that the parties are trying to reach agreement in negotiation, while they are not in learning and PD settings. Nevertheless, these settings have many features in common, including the fact that reciprocity tends to encourage further cooperation. Hence, we will treat them together, while calling attention, from time to time, to possible differences. There are three types of explanation for the success of reciprocity in these settings, one in terms of automatic processes and the other two in terms of cognitions. The first explanation postulates some automatic reinforcement process that is outside cognitive awareness. This process, if it occurs, enhances the strength of responses that have been rewarded and diminishes the

37 strength of responses that have been nonrewarded or punished. The second explanation is in terms of expectations. In one version of this explanation, these expectations concern the behavior reciprocated. The expectations are: (a) the behavior for which I have been rewarded will continue to be rewarded and/or (b) the behavior for which I have been punished will continue to be punished. In another version, they concern the strategist who is engaging in reciprocity. They are: (a) the strategist will cooperate if I cooperate and (b) the strategist will not cooperate if I fail to cooperate. The latter expectations should lead people to cooperate whenever they see that there is more to be gained from the strategist's cooperation than to be lost by cooperating with the strategist. Another way to put this is that these expectations should lead people to cooperate whenever they regard mutual cooperation as more valuable than mutual noncooperation. If the participants are perceptive, the latter condition will obtain in the PD, because R > P for both parties. Hence reciprocity is a rational strategy in the PD because it encourages the other to cooperated The third explanation (see Komorita and Esser, 1975; McGillicuddy et al., 1984) is that targets develop attributions about the strategist, seeing him as "strong" and "firm" (because he fails to cooperate when they fail to cooperate) but also as "conciliatory" and "fair" (because he

38 cooperates when they cooperate). This leads them to cooperate with him in later settings because they expect to be rewarded if they do and not rewarded or punished if they do not. This explanation is similar to the second one in viewing expectations as the ultimate source of the target's cooperative behavior. It differs from the second explanation in its account of the origins of these expectations, postulating that they are produced by attributions about why the strategist was engaging in reciprocity rather than directly by his reciprocity. Two efforts have been made to test the three explanations just given in the realm of negotiation. Both are damaging to the automatic reinforcement explanation. Komorita and Esser (1975) examined the impact of four concession patterns: matching the other's concessions (reciprocity); making concessions on 100% of the opportunities; making concessions on 0% of the opportunities; and mismatching the other's concessions. In the latter strategy, the confederate conceded when the other did not concede and failed to concede when the other did. Concessions were most frequent in the matching condition, next most frequent in the 100% condition, next most frequent in the mismatching condition, and least frequent in the 0% condition. The authors rejected a simple conditioning explanation for these results, arguing that, if conditioning were at work/ the mismatching strategy would have produced fewer concessions than the 0% strategy. There is some logic

39 to this argument, but it can be questioned on the grounds that the 0% strategy may have elicited a retaliatory reaction from the opponent which masked a conditioning effect that was indeed present. In a second study (McGillicuddy, Pruitt and Syna, 1984), more concessions were made by negotiators who had previously watched their opponent follow a reciprocal strategy than those who had watched him concede rapidly or hardly at all. These results cannot be explained by automatic reinforcement, since the subjects observed rather than experienced their opponent's reciprocity. Some cognitive process that involved an image of the opponent almost certainly was involved. Auxiliary evidence suggests that this cognitive process may have involved attributions about the opponent. Opponents who followed a reciprocal strategy were rated as "stronger" than those who followed a soft strategy which involved making a concession on every trial. They were also rated as "fairer' than those who followed a tough strategy which involved infrequent concession making. In conclusion, evidence in negotiation settings is unsupportive of an automatic reinforcement explanation for the success of reciprocity and supportive of an attributional explanation. It should be acknowledged, however, that the latter explanation is only viable in settings where the subject can develop a conception of the source of the reciprocity. Such a conception is not

40 possible in traditional animal learning studies. Hence, one of the other explanations (e.g., automatic reinforcement or expectations tied to behavior) may be more appropriate for that setting. Conditions Affecting the Success of Reciprocity Reciprocity is more effective in some conditions than others. For example, research on the PD by Kuhlman and Marshello (1975) suggests that reciprocity is most effective when the other party has an individualistic orientation, i.e., is trying to maximize her outcomes. The alternatives to this orientation are a cooperative orientation, in which the other is concerned about the strategist's outcomes as well as her own, and a competitive orientation, in which the other is trying to do better than the strategist. Two groups of researchers have found that reciprocity is counterproductive when the other has a cooperative orientation. Kuhlman and Marshello (1975) showed that 100% cooperation elicited more cooperation from the other than did reciprocity. This is presumably because reciprocating a cooperative person's occasional failure to cooperate amounts to overreacting to a temporary aberration. Evidence from a study by Clark and Mills (1979) suggests that reciprocity is resented in intimate relationships. A possible explanation for this finding is that the norm for intimate relationships

41 involves selfless generosity rather than an exchange of favors. Reciprocity is also ineffective when the other has a competitive orientation (Kuhlman and Marshello, 1975). This is presumably because mutual cooperation tends to be of little interest to a competitive person. Reciprocity seems to be most effective when it fits an a priori notion (a causal schema) held by the other party "about the types of causes that ought to be linked to particular types of effects" (Nisbett and Ross, 1980:115~. This is presumably because it is easier to perceive a relationship between one's behavior and the other's response when that relationship fits one's theories about cause and effect. The initial evidence for this assertion came from animal research showing that learning is much easier to establish for some connections between behavior and reward than for others. For example, Garcia, McGowan and Green (1972) have shown that rats can readily be trained to avoid a new tasting food that is followed by gastrointestinal illness but not to avoid a new shaped food that produces the same illness. The unfamiliar shape, on the other hand, is more readily conditioned to the avoidance of electric shock than is the unfamiliar taste. A similar phenomenon has been described by anthropologists who have found that primitive remedies often resemble in some way the disease being treated (Nisbett and Ross, 1980~. For example, Evans- Pritchard (1937) described the Azende practice of treating

42 epilepsy with the burnt skull of a red bush monkey that shakes like an epileptic. Presumably, this resemblance made the Azende much more alert to cases in which epileptic fits were relieved by this remedy than those in which they were not. Reciprocity is also more effective in producing cooperation in the PD when the parties move sequentially, with the strategist always moving second after seeing how the other has acted, than when they move simultaneously (Oskamp, 1971~. When moves are sequential, there is no way for the other to temporarily exploit the strategist--failing to cooperate yet enjoying the benefits of the strategist's cooperation until the strategists detects what is happening. Hence it should be especially clear to the other that he faces a choice between mutual cooperation and mutual noncooperation. An example would be the familiar case where a tenant (the other) must pay the rent before the landlord (the strategist) allows him to move in. The landlord is less likely to be paid if the tenant moves in first or even if they take action simultaneously. In summary, reciprocity is especially effective in eliciting cooperative behavior from another party when that party is trying to maximize her outcomes, sees a logical link between the behavior in question and the reward or punishment that follows it, and takes action before that taken by the strategist rather than moving simultaneously with the strategist.

43 Techniques for Making Reciprocity Work Learning theorists have developed a number of guidelines for the success fu] use of reciprocity (i.e., reinforcement) as an influence technique. Some of these are also supported in research on negotiation and the PD. Immediacy Reward or punishment should fo1 low the target's behavior as quickly as possible until that behavior has been firmly established (Perin, 1943~. After that, it is useful to lengthen the interval between the desired response and the administration of reward or punishment. This will make the desired response more hardy, that is, more resistant to extinction (Mackintosh, 1974~. If it is necessary to delay reinforcement at the outset of conditioning, it may be possible to substitute a symbol of the reward or punishment, for example, a verbal promise to give a child candy after dinner in exchange for straightening her room. For maximal effectiveness, such a symbol must be periodically followed by administration of the actual reward or punishment (Huise et al., 1980~. Consistency Many learning studies have shown that consistent reciprocity is more effective for establishing response than irregular or periodic reciprocity. For

maximum effectiveness, the other should be rewarded or punished every time he makes the desired or the undesired response (Huise et al., 1980~. This effect has also been shown in research on negotiation. A regular pattern of conceding every time the other concedes produces more concessions from the other than an irregular pattern, even if the same overall amount is conceded in the irregular pattern (Esser and Komorita, 1975~. Research on the PD (Kuhiman and Marshello, 1975; Oskamp, 1971; Tedeschi et al., 1968) and on bargaining (Komorita and Esser, 1975) also suggests that it is more important to be 100% consistent in rewarding cooperation than 100% consistent in punishing (or failing to reward) noncooperation. A possible explanation for this effect is that reward and punishment tend to be reciprocated by the target as well as to reinforce the target's behavior. Hence, if the strategist is going to be inconsistent, it is better to be light on punishment (and thus to diminish provocation of the other) than to be light on reward (and thus fail to build up positive credit with the other). Though consistent reciprocity is best for establishing a response in others, inconsistent reciprocity ("partial reinforcement") paradoxically makes this response more hardy in instrumental learning settings, that is, less likely to disappear if reciprocity is discontinued (Skinner, 1938~. Hence, some experts (e.g., Kaz~in, 1975) recommend 100% reciprocity at first, to establish the desired response, ~ .

45 followed by a reduced rate of responding to encourage resistance to extinction. One needs to praise a child every time he cleans up his room, at first; but after a while, periodic praise will suffice. The finding that inconsistent reciprocity makes responses more hardy is a standard result in learning studies, but it was not replicated in a PD study (Tedeschi et al., 1968). Size of the Reciprocal Response Other research suggests that larger rewards are more effective at strengthening cooperative behavior (Esser and Komorita, 1975; Logan, 1960~. Again, the rule is different if hardiness is at issue. Provided that they are large enough to produce J earning, smaller rewards will encourage greater persistence once reciprocity is discontinued (Huise et al., 1980~. One possible explanation for this latter effect is that smaller rewards make the other experience greater dissonance if the other enacts the response. Hence, the other is encouraged to develop arguments for the intrinsic value of this response, which in turn maintain the response (see Festinger, 1957~. The case for large incentives is less clear for punishment. Research on laboratory animals shows a simple relationship between intensity of punishment and extent of learning (Church, 1969~. Yet punishment often encourages side effects, such as emotion, withdrawal and resentment, which may interfere with learning (Kaz~in, 1975~. The

46 stronger the punishment, the larger are these side effects. Findings on humans by Lindskold (1976) suggest that the most effective punishment is that which exactly "fits the crime," neither undermatching nor overmatching the other's level of noncooperation. Such a penalty is as large as possible without seeming unfair. There are arguments for and against gradually increasing punishment in response to noncooperation. In most laboratory studies, punishment that is introduced at full strength has proven most effective (Kazdin, 1975~. This is because people often habituate to punishment, learning to live with it. However, there are arguments for gradually increasing punishment which may sometimes mitigate this advice. For example, gradual increase allows one to explore for side effects. Gradual increase may also seem more legitimate to the target or to third party observers. Hence, gradual increase may make more sense when side effects or legitimacy are at issue. Variety Responses that are induced by a strategy of reciprocity are often quite specific to the setting in which they are learned, the mode of behavior that was enacted at that time, and the presence of the person who is administering the incentives' To achieve greater generalization, reciprocity should take place in different situations, with different people, and with several variations of the desired response (Kaz~in, 1975~.

47 Prior Experience with a Reward Reward will often work better if the other has experienced it in the past and hence come to value it. In addition to the evidence in the conditioning literature (Kaz~in, 1975), this point is supported by a PD study by Komorita and Mechling (1967), in which preceding reciprocity by a period of unconditional cooperation enhanced the effectiveness of reciprocity. The more prior cooperation, the stronger was the effect (up to 10 trials in the condition that went the longest). Clear vs. FUZZY Events For reciprocity to be effective in producing later cooperation, it is necessary for clearcut behavior by the target to be followed by a clearcut response from the strategist. If one or both events are fuzzy, lacking a definite time and place or hard to distinguish from everyday experience, the target may not notice the connection and, hence, learn nothing. Nonreward and nonpunishment tend to be fuzzy events, especially when there is little experience with their opposite. Hence, reciprocity may be ineffective when a desired target behavior is followed by nonpunishment or an undesired behavior by nonreward. It follows that a strategist who is trying to establish a new response should usually reward that response (and fail to reward or punish its nonoccurrence). If trying to suppress an old response,

48 he should usually punish that response (and reward or fad] to punish its nonoccurrence).3 Problems with punishment The advantages of punishment are somewhat mitigated by the side effects that were mentioned earlier: emotion, withdrawal and resentment. These may lead to obduracy, aggression, escalation, and loss of positive influence with the other, making it necessary to continue relying on punishment in the future (Deutsch, 1973; Kaz~in, 1975~. Hence punishment, if used, should be employed with some finesse, making sure that it seems legitimate and is employed in a context of overall concern for the other's interests (Pruitt and Rubin, 1986~. When possible, threats of punishment should usually be substituted for actual punishment, because if they work they do not require that the other party be hurt. Where a defensive response can be substituted for punishment, adverse side effects are also less likely (Deutsch, 1973~. Summary Research on instrumental conditioning suggests that the prescription for establishing a new response by rewarding (reciprocating) this response is quite different from that for maintaining the response once established. For establishing a response, reward should be immediate, consistent and sizable. But quite the opposite is true if one wants a hardy response that will hold up in the absence of continuous reward. The usual solution to this conundrum

49 is to start out with immediate, consistent and sizable reward, to establish the response, and then gradually diminish all three dimensions to increase its hardiness. Another useful technique is to give the individual a prior experience with the reward before beginning a reciprocal strategy. If one is trying to suppress a response, punishment is usually more effective than reward because it tends to link a clearcut response (the one to be suppressed) with a clearcut incentive (the penalty). Again, there is merit in employing immediate, consistent and sizable penalties, but this point must be qualified by the possibility of side effects. When side effects are likely, careful monitoring is needed. A policy of gradually increasing the size of the punishment may be needed in such a situation. Many of the same findings have been obtained in research on establishing cooperative behavior in negotiation and the PD. However, not all the findings on conditioning extend to this arena. Hence, we must be careful about generalizing too readily from the conditioning literature. Defects in the Strategy of Reciprocity A major defect in the strategy of reciprocity is that it tends to produce and perpetuate mutual noncooperation. If the other party fails to cooperate even once, the

so strategist must immediately retaliate. The other will then often counter-retaliate, producing further retaliation by the strategist, etc. In this way, the parties become locked into a pattern of mutual noncooperation. The problem is most insidious if the other party fails to cooperate at the beginning of the interaction, because the other then gains no experience whatsoever with the strategist's willingness to reciprocate cooperation and thus misses an essential part of the message. Moreover, there may still be a perceptual problem even if the other has initially cooperated before switching to noncooperation. This is because the other may not fully comprehend why the strategist then turns to noncooperation and may blame the strategist rather than herself (see Kelley and Stahelski, 1970~. The other may then retaliate, forcing the strategist to provide further punishment in what becomes a vicious circle. There are two kinds of remedies for these problems. One is to adopt some variant of reciprocity that is less likely to produce a locked in state. The other is to employ a "starting mechanism" once mutual noncooperation has set in. These will be discussed below. V~ri ant Forms of RecinrociLv Several variants on reciprocity that are more effective than simple reciprocity can be identified. One requires the strategist to be slow to retaliate and also slow to forgive. In a PD study by Bixenstine and

51 Gaebelein (1971), this "slow-slow" strategy was defined as follows: The strategist retaliated 60% of the time after the other's first noncooperation, 80% after the second noncooperation, and 100% after the third noncooperation. Also, if the other was not cooperating and switched to cooperation, the strategist cooperated 60% of the time after the other's first cooperative response, 80% of the time after the other's second cooperative response, and 100% of the time after the other's third cooperative response. This strategy produced more cooperation than the usual "quick-quick" strategy, which involves immediate 100% · ~ reclproclty. A possible explanation for the success of the slow-slow strategy is as follows. If the strategist is slow to retaliate, this allows the other party to make an occasional error without running an undue risk of escalation. The other gets a second chance to correct such errors before becoming the victim of an escalative retaliation. Delaying retaliation may also make it clearer to the other party that she rather than the strategist initiated noncooperation. However, there is a problem with slow retaliation if it is coupled with fast forgiveness (in a ''quick-slow" strategy), that is, if the other can redeem herself by a single cooperative action. The other may learn that it is possible to exploit the strategist's good will until he retaliates and then quickly get back into his good graces with a single act of cooperation so as to set him up for a new round of

52 exploitation. This leads to low outcomes for the strategist, as pointed out by Axelrod (1984) and documented by Bixenstine and Gaebelein (1971~. The solution, is to be slow to retaliate and slow to forgive. Once the other has antagonized the strategist to the point of retaliation, the slow-slow strategy makes it hard for the other to redeem herself. The other must cooperate several times before the strategist will resume cooperation. A second approach would be for the strategist to be slow to punish and fast to forgive but to warn the other verbally that punishment will be faster the next time the other steps out of line. There is no research on this approach, which involves a mixture of actions and words, but it seems to make sense. A third strategy, which has received research support, is to precede reciprocity with a period of unconditional cooperation. Komorita and Mechling (1967) have shown that this encourages the other to cooperate. Earlier we interpreted this effect as due to the other party's becoming aware of how useful it is to have the strategist cooperate. A second possible interpretation is that the initial unconditional reward encourages the other to cooperate; hence, the other has a chance to learn that his cooperation will be reciprocated. A third possibility is that providing early reward gives the strategist idiosyncrasy credits that permit her to punish the other for noncooperation on a later occasion without evoking the other Is retaliation.

53 .~t~rtina Mechanisms Various auxiliary tactics are available if the other fails to cooperate from the beginning or if the situation has deteriorated into mutual noncooperation. Once these have been enacted, one can then turn to reciprocity in order to encourage the other to continue responding in the desired fashion. If the desired action is not in the other's repertoire, a shaping routine may be employed. This involves reinforcing a sequence of actions that look more and more like the behavior desired (Hulse et al., 1975~. Verbal instruction or modeling may also be used in such a circumstance. Alternatively, the desired action may be in the other's repertoire but be of low probability--a relatively rare response that will not be emitted in the normal course of events. If so, one can sometimes use prompts (Kaz~in, 1975), that is, stimuli that are known to elicit the response. For example, if one wants to reinforce smiling in an ordinarily sour person, one could show him cartoons from time to time. To avoid continued dependence on the prompt as an eliciting stimulus, one must then gradually "fade" the prompt out (Kaz~in, 1975~. If the parties can talk to each other, it may also be possible for them to coordinate mutual cooperation through negotiation, though this requires some element of trust. If trust is too low for genuine negotiation to take place, it

54 may be possible for a mediator to help them develop a deal. In cases of even greater distrust, it may be essential for one of the parties to take a dramatic unilateral initiative to enhance the other's trust. Such initiatives will be discussed in the section on inducing reciprocity. Summary Strict reciprocity has a major defect as a strategy in that it often encourages the development of mutual noncooperation and it provides no way to escape from this state of affairs. A modified form of reciprocity, in which the strategist is both slow to retaliate and slow to reinstate after retaliation appears to be superior to strict reciprocity. Various starting mechanisms are also available once mutual noncooperation has set in, including shaping, the use of prompts, negotiation, mediation, and unilateral · e ~ e nltlatlves . Inducing Reciprocity by Taking Unilateral Initiatives If people are ready to reciprocate, one of the best ways to influence them is to provide them rewards. Reciprocity has been shown in a number of different types of behavior including helping (Depaulo et al., 1983; Greenberg, 1980; Greenberg and Frisch, 1972; Greenberg and Westcott, 1983; Stapleton et al., 1973), liking (e.g., Rosenfeld, 1967; see Berscheid and Walster, 1969, for a review), and

55 self-disclosure (Taylor et al., 1979~. Cialdini (1985) has discussed at length how reciprocity can be used to influence others or obtain goods from them. Rewarding people in an effort to induce reciprocity often serves as a starting mechanism for escaping mutual noncooperation. Such actions are sometimes called unilateral initiatives in the tradition of Osgood's (1962, 1966) GRIT proposals. When a relationship is severely escalated, such initiatives are often more successful than negotiation. This is because words tend to be suspect since they can be used to trick and since each party is likely to question whether the other will actually follow through on its promises (Lebow and Stein, in press). Hence, the strategist must turn to actions, which often "speak louder than words." A prominent example would be Sadat's 1977 trip to Jerusalem, which ushered in the peace negotiations between Israel and Egypt. "President Sadat of Egypt, concluding that his country was involved in a lose-lose conflict process with Israel, made a gesture of good will in the fo~-~u of a personal journey to Jerusalem. This started a de-escalatory spiral in relations between these countries that resulted in the eventual resumption of diplomatic relations" (Pruitt and Rubin, 1986:109~.

56 Why People Reciprocate Reciprocity is by no means inevitable. When it occurs, it can be explained by a number of mechanisms, including the following: Normative Pressures A norm of reciprocity is found in all cultures and is probably essential to the survival of the social system. The norm states that "you should give benefits to one who gives you benefits" (Gouldner, 1960:170~. The norm of reciprocity may well be derived from the equity norm, which asserts that people should be rewarded in proportion to their merit. Encouraging a Positive Mood Receiving favors puts people in a good mood, encouraging them to be generous (Isen and Levin, 1972~. Their generosity is not necessarily directed at the source of the favor; anyone can be the beneficiary. Encouraging Positive Feelings toward the Source of the Initiative People like those who reward them (Berscheid, 1985) and tend to do favors for those they like (Krebs and Miller, 1985~. Encouraging Trust A belief that the source of the initiative is seeking a more positive relationship and

57 hence will cooperate further if we begin to cooperate is a crucial antecedent of cooperation in many situations. Encouraging Dependency The other discovers how valuable one's cooperative initiatives are and seeks to keep them coming by taking cooperative initiatives of his own. Mobilizing Third-party Pressures Third parties who are trying to resolve a controversy tend to encourage reciprocity, because they believe it will move the controversy toward agreement and will encourage further concessions. Conditions Encouraging Reciprocity Reciprocity of unilateral initiatives is more likely and more extensive under some circumstances than others. Intimacy and Similarity Clark and Mills (1979) argue that reciprocity is normative in nonintimate relationships but nonnormative in intimate relationships. Hence, favors will tend to be reciprocated in the former but not the latter. Evidence of this effect can be seen in the finding that self-disclosure is more often reciprocated in interactions between strangers than those between members of married couples ~ ).

58 A result that might seem contradictory to the one just described is Hatton's (1967) finding that black negotiators matched (reciprocated) the concessions of other black negotiators and mismatched those of white negotiators (making faster concessions when the other conceded less). However, it seems likely that we are dealing with perceived similarity rather than intimacy in this study. The finding suggests that people who are similar to each other may be especially likely to reciprocate one another's favors, in an effort to develop a relationship. Attributions of Genuineness The likelihood and extent of reciprocity are also influenced by attributions about the motives underlying one's initiatives. Reciprocity is more likely if one is seen as genuinely trying to be helpful or conciliatory rather than seeking to induce indebtedness or create a good impression (Cialdini, 1985; Jones, 1964~. This proposition is supported by the finding that unilateral initiatives are most likely to be reciprocated when the strategist is more powerful (has more threat capacity) than the target, next best when the two parties are equal in power, and worst when the target is more powerful than the strategist (Lindskold and Bennett, 1973; Michener, et al., 1975; Thibaut and Riecken, 1955~. The point is that more powerful people do not need to be generous in order to gain influence. Hence, their generous

59 behavior seems more genuine and less ingratiatory than that of less powerful people. The same proposition is also supported by the finding that generosity is more fully reciprocated the greater is the cost of being generous (Pruitt, 1968~. Presumably, greater cost makes generous behavior seem more genuine. This mechanism may have helped Sadat gain the trust of the people of Israel during his trip to Jerusalem. The costs he obviously bore (in terms of loss of support at home and in the Arab worlds gave him particular credibility. A related source of credibility may have been the fact that his trip, once made, was irreversible (Lebow and Stein, in press). Salience and Clarity of the Initiative It also seems reasonable to assume that more noticeable unilateral initiatives will be more fully reciprocated. Unexpected actions, such as Sadatts trip to Jerusalem, tend to be especially salient, standing out as figure against ground. Furthermore, action is usually more salient than inaction. Hence, a party will usually get more credit for taking helpful actions than for failing to take harmful ones. (However, a villain seems to get more credit for not being villainous the more experience people have had with his villainy. This point has been observed with hostage takers, who are apparently given more credit for being normally generous the longer their victim has been a hostage.)

60 Unilateral initiatives are especially effective at producing reciprocation when they are explained as efforts to generate mutual cooperation (Lindekold and Finch, 1981; Lindskold, Han and Betz, 1986~. Such an explanation contributes to both salience and clarity of purpose, averting other interpretations such as the notion that the initiative is an effort at ingratiation or a sign of weakness. A Cognitive Model Other useful hypotheses are suggested by a model that is based on the two cognitive explanations for the success of reciprocity that were presented at the beginning of the prior section. According to this model, people will cooperate with us if three conditions are met: (1) They believe that we will cooperate with them if they cooperate with us, that is, they trust us. This may result from viewing us as "conciliatory" or "fair." (2) They believe that we will not cooperate with them if they do not cooperate with us, that is, that we cannot be exploited. This may result from seeing us as l~firmll or ttstrong.l' (3) They value our cooperation and/or believe that mutual cooperation is more valuable than mutual noncooperation.4 A unilateral initiative can be viewed as encouraging the first condition, the belief that further cooperation will be repaid. Hence, the model implies that the second

61 and third conditions will encourage reciprocity of unilateral initiatives. This may help explain why initiatives by more powerful parties tend to be more fully reciprocated (Lindskold and Bennett, 1973; Michener et al., 197S). These findings were interpreted earlier in terms of attributions. But it is also possible that people believe that they cannot exploit powerful others (condition 2) and hence are ready to reciprocate their cooperative initiatives. They realize that they must play ball with powerful parties because the latter cannot be pushed into unilateral cooperation. There is also evidence that people are more likely to reciprocate favors from a representative with tough, as opposed to soft, constituents (Wall, 1977~. Perhaps they understand that a party with tough constituents is unlikely to cooperate if they fad] to cooperate (condition 2~. Hence it is necessary to reciprocate that party's initiatives in order to gain his cooperation. Reciprocity is also greater when people expect future interaction with the source of the unilateral initiative than when such interaction is not expected (Gruder, 1971; Marlowe et al., 1966~. A possible explanation is that the expectation of future interaction causes them to value that person's cooperation (condition 3), making them more prone to reinforce this cooperation when it occurs. Their dependence on the other may also make it seem advisable to

62 follow the norm of reciprocity so as to make a good ~ e Impression. PD's are often represented in consciousness in decomposed form. A value to self and other is placed on each party's possible actions, but no thought is given to the combined impact of the two parties' actions. When this is true, the same basic PD can sometimes be decomposed in two different ways: one in which each party appears to control the other's best outcomes and one in which the other appears to control them himself. Research (Pruitt, 1970) suggests that reciprocity is more common in the former than the latter condition. What the former decomposition presumably does is to persuade people that the other is strong (condition 2) and that they must seek the other's cooperation (condition 3~. Reciprocating the other's initiatives is a way to do this. Cost of Continued Conflict When people are dependent on us and believe that we will not cooperate unilaterally, they are likely to want to shift to mutual cooperation. This desire should be especially strong when conflict is unrewarding and there are costs of continued conflict. Hence, they should be particularly prone to reciprocate our unilateral initiatives. Another way to put this is that unilateral initiatives are most effective when the target is experiencing a "hurting stalemate" (the term comes from Touval and Zartman, 1985), unable to push us into

63 concessions and experiencing increased costs with the passage of time. Evidence for this assertion is anecdotal but interesting. Sadat's trip to Jerusalem followed a war between Egypt and Israel which must have created a sense that continued conflict was both futile and dangerous. Likewise, a successful series of unilateral initiatives aimed at the Soviet Union by President Kennedy in 1963 came soon after the Cuban Missile Crisis.5 Conclusions: How to Encouraging Reciprocity The points made above suggest several guidelines for encouraging another party to reciprocate one's conciliatory initiatives. One guideline is to concede from strength. Political analysts often talk about negotiating from strength, and there is some truth to the notion that people will yield to a party that has threat capacity. But there usually are limits to how much can be accomplished by threats. Further concessions beyond these limits can be achieved if the stronger party is willing to take conciliatory initiatives, that is to concede from strength. A second guideline is to arrange for one's constituents to adopt a tough line in public, in contrast to the conciliatory initiatives one is taking. This tactic is sometimes called the "black hat-white hat routine." A third guideline is to take dramatic and unexpected conciliatory

64 initiatives, such as Sadat's trip to Jerusalem. A fourth is to explain why one is taking conciliatory initiatives. A fifth is to choose initiatives that involve some cost to oneself. A sixth is to arrange for future interaction with the party to be influenced. A seventh is to take one's initiatives at a point when the other party is in a hurting stalemate. Osgood (1962, 1966) and Lindskold (1986) have suggested four other elements of strategy that may increase the effectiveness of unilateral initiatives: (a) Take a series of unilateral initiatives over a period of time without requiring reciprocity from the other party. This makes the conciliatory message more credible and gives the other time to rethink his approach. (b) Use a diverse set of initiatives so as not to weaken oneself unduly in one area and so that the only possible common explanation for these initiatives is one's desire for cooperation. (c) Invite reciprocity with each initiative. (~) Reward the other for reciprocating initiatives and retaliate if the other tries to take advantage of them. In other words, adopt a strategy of reciprocity after the initial period of unilateral · ~ ~ ~ ~n~t~at~ves. These suggestions make sense, though research evidence for them is not substantial at this time.

65 Conclusions Reciprocity contributes to influence in two ways. The first is that reciprocity can be a strategy for influencing other people. If we reward their cooperation and/or punish their lack of cooperation, they are likely to cooperate in the future. This is particularly true when the others have an individualistic orientation and a causal schema that links their behavior to our action, when their actions and ours are clearcut and sequential, and when our responses to their actions are immediate, consistent, and large. The second is that we can sometimes influence other people by taking positive, unilateral initiatives--that is, by doing them favors in the hope that they will reciprocate. Such initiatives are particularly likely to work when they are costly to ourselves, when they are salient and clearly explained, when we are seen as genuinely interested in the other people's welfare, when we seem powerful and firm in defense of our larger interests, when the others are dependent on us in the future, and when continued conflict is unrewarding and costly to them. A major problem with the strategy of reciprocity is that our retaliation in the face of failure to cooperate may foster a vicious circle. The strategy of reciprocity provides no method of escaping from such a circle. A way out of this circle is to take positive unilateral initiatives with the hope that the others will reciprocate

66 (Lindekold, 1986; Osgood, 1962, 1966). Such initiatives are especially likely to work under the conditions mentioned in the last paragraph. A cognitive model is useful for interpreting some of the findings on reciprocity. This holds that others will cooperate when they hold three expectations about us: (a) we will cooperate if they cooperate, (b) we will not cooperate unilaterally, and (c) our cooperation is desirable. Our reciprocity tends to produce the first and second expectations. In addition, favors from us tend to produce the first expectation, resulting in reciprocal favors when we are also perceived as strong (producing the second expectation) and when others are dependent on us (producing the third expectation). The three expectations just enumerated can be produced in other ways than by reciprocity and favor doing. For example, receipt of a message indicating cooperative intent from a powerful person should produce the first and second expectations, leading to cooperation. It follows that this cognitive model should have broad application. There is also a social norm requiring that favors be reciprocated. Like any norm that benefits our interests, others are more likely to follow this norm when we are powerful and are attending to what they are doing. This provides an alternative interpretation for the finding that people tend to reciprocate our favors when they are dependent on us. The fact that such reciprocity is more

67 common when our generosity seems genuine suggests that the norm of reciprocity may derive, at least in part, from an equity norm which postulates that people should be rewarded in proportion to their merit. A VIEW TO THE FUTURE This has been a frustrating paper to write because, despite many efforts, we have been unable to find a link between our two main topics, substantive matching and reciprocity. Both contribute to influence but by very different intervening processes: substantive matching by its effect on attraction and communicator credibility, reciprocity by its effect on expectations and attributions. At some later time, it may be possible to state a relationship between these intervening processes and hence between our two topics (see point 6 below for some initial thoughts along these lines). But current theory and research are not very helpful for this purpose. We end with a discussion of research frontiers. In the realm of substantive matching, the following projects seem to have merit: (1) Studies by Chaiken (1980) and Petty et al. (1983) suggest that similarity in personal characteristics between communicator and target leads to attitude change only when subjects are uninvolved in the issues. Research is needed

68 to test this derivation and to examine whether it holds up in broader contexts. For example, are eye contact and role reversal only effective when involvement is low? (2) Research is needed on the conditions under which eye contact leads to influence through a mechanism of liking vs. One of dominance. We suggest that the former mechanism may be more common in cooperative settings and the latter in competitive settings. But is this really the case? (3) Almost no research has been done on interactional synchrony, despite the intuitive appeal of this phenomenon. (4) The intriguing results on role reversal (Johnson, 1967, 1971) need to be extended. Does accurate role reversal lead to influence in noncompetitive settings? Does warm role reversal undermine influence (as found by Johnson) or enhance it (as we suspect) in such settings? (5) Much more research is needed on neurolinguistic programming (NLP) in light of the popularity of this approach to therapy. Do people have a preferred representational system (PRS)? If so, what are the best indicators of this system? Does matching the PRS contribute to rapport and success in therapy as indicated by Bandler and Grinder (1975~? Do these procedures only work with right-handed people? Can therapists learn to do this matching? If at all possible, these studies should be done in therapeutic settings rather than in the laboratory with undergraduates.

69 (6) Liking, respect and trust are all possible mediators of the effect of substantive matching on influence. But these states differ, and they need to be pulled apart in research. Doing so might help to forge a link between the material presented in the two parts of our paper, because respect is close to a view of the other as "strong" and trust is close to a view of the other as "fair," attributions that appear in the cognitive model presented in the last section and play different roles in that model. In the realm of reciprocity, the following projects seem worth doing: (7) Much more research is needed about the impact of reciprocity and favor doing on expectations and attributions about the actor. Most of the research on these phenomena in human settings has not been theory driven and has not attempted to measure intervening psychological states. An exception is the study of attributions in negotiation by McGillicuddy et al. t1984), which deserves to be extended. (8) Studies are needed concerning the impact of causal schemata on the likelihood of being influenced by a strategy of reciprocation. Do people who have had experience with particular linkages between behavior and reinforcement learn more readily when these linkages reappear? Animal research (e.g., Garcia, McGowan and Green, 1972) suggests that they should, but the research on humans is only suggestive (see Nisbett and Ross, 1980~. ~ .

7 o (9) There have been many studies in instrumental learning settings of the importance of immediacy, consistency and size of reinforcement (reciprocity). This research needs to be extended into competitive situations such as those embodied in negotiation and the PD. In particular, the impact of these variables on hardiness of response should be examined in competitive settings. (10) Much more research is needed on the tradeoffs between influence and negative side-effects when reciprocity involves punishment. In particular, we need research on the conditions under which it is more effective to start punishment at full strength as opposed to increasing it gradually. (11) We need studies concerning the impact of a form of reciprocity that involves initial warnings about punishment rather than punishment itself. Such warnings, if credible, should have the desired impact on attributions and expectations without producing the negative side-effects often associated with actual punishment. Such warnings may also help the target understand her own role in provoking punishment if the strategist is provoked into using it. Hence, the target may be less likely to retaliate i f punishment is used. (12) The notion that favors are less likely to be reciprocated in intimate than in nonintimate relationships ~ Clark and Mills, 1979) needs further examination. This idea suggests that short-term balancing of accounts is less

likely in intimate relations. But is this also true for long-term balancing of accounts? If I do ten favors for you in an intimate relationship, are you as unlikely to reciprocate as if I do only one? Or will you reciprocate for fear that I may decide that I am making too much of a contribution to the relationship? (13) Several studies have shown that reciprocity is particularly likely when the source of a favor is powerful (Lindekold and Bennett, 1973; Michener et al., 1975) or has tough constituents (Wall, 1977). But the mechanism for this effect remains speculative. Is it because favors from a powerful other seem genuine? Or is it because such favors are unlikely to be interpreted as a sign of weakness and hence of readiness to continue unilateral cooperation? Studies are needed on these issues. (14) Finally, research is needed to test the seemingly reasonable hypothesis that reciprocity is especially likely in a hurting stalemate, when conflict is unrewarding and is producing escalatory costs. Clearly there is a great deal more to be learned in this area. 71

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1 83 McGillicuddy, N. B., Pruitt, D. G., and Syna, H. (1984). Perceptions of firmness and strength in negotiation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 10, 402-409. McNeel, S. P., and Reid, E. C. (1975~. Attitude similarity, social goals, and cooperation. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 19, 665-681. Michener, H. A., Vaske, J. J., Schleifer, S. L., Plazewski, J. G., and Chapman, L. J. (1975~. Factors affecting concession rate and threat usage in bilateral conflict. Sociometry, 38, 62-80. Nisbett, R., and Ross, L. (1980~. Human inference: Strategies and shortcomings of social judgment. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Osgood, C. E. (1962~. An alternative to war and surrender. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. Osgood, C. E. (1966). Perspective in foreign policy (2nd ed.~. Palo Alto, CA: Pacific Books. Oskamp, S. (1971~. Effects of programmed strategies on cooperation in the prisoner's dilemma and other mixed- motive games. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 10, 221-226. Oskamp, S., and Periman, D. (1966~. Effects of friendship and disliking on cooperation in a mixed-motive game. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 10, 221-226. Perin, C. T. (1943~. A quantitative investigation of the delay-of-reinforcement gradient. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 32, 37-51. Pilisuk, M., Skoinick, P., and Overstreet, E. (1968~.

84 Predicting situation. 10, 35-43. Pruitt, D. G. laboratory Psychology, Pruitt, D. G. (1970~. Motivational processes in the decomposed prisoner's dilemma game. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, _, 227-238. Pruitt, D. G. (1981~. Negotiation behavior. New York: Academic. Pruitt, D. G., and Rubin, J. Z. (1986~. Social conflict: Escalation stalemate and settlement. New York: Random , , House. Rapoport, A., and Chammah, A. M. (1965~. Prisoner's dilemma: A study in conflict and cooperation. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Rosenfeld (1967~. Skinner, B. F. (1938~. The behavior of organisms. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Stapleton, R. E., Nacci, P., and Tedeschi, J. T. (1973~. Interpersonal attraction and the reciprocation of benefits. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2S, 199-205. Swingle, P. G., and Gillis, J. S. (1968~. Effects of the emotional relationship between protagonists in the prisoner's dilemma. Journal of Personality and Social cooperation from the two sexes in a conflict Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, (1968). Reciprocity and credit building in a dyed. Journal of Personality and Social 8, 143-147.

i 85 Psychology, 8, 160-165. Tedeschi, J. T., Aranoff, D., Gahagan, J., and Hiester, D. (1968~. The partial reinforcement effect and the prisoner's dilemma. Journal of Social Psychology, 75, 209- 215. Tornatzky, L., and Geiwitz, P. J. (19687. The effects of threat and attraction in interpersonal bargaining. Psychonomic Science, 13, 125-126. Touval, S., and Zartman, I. W. (Eds.~. 1985. The man in the middle: International mediation in theory and practice. Boulder, CO: Westview. Wall, J. A., Jr. (1977~. Intergroup bargaining: Effects of opposing constitutent's stance, opposing representative's bargaining, and representatives' locus of control. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 21' 459-474. Wall, J. A., Jr. (1981~. An investigation of reciprocity and reinforcement theories of bargaining behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Performance, 27, 367- 385. Wilson, W. (1971~. Reciprocation and other techniques for inducing cooperation in the prisoner's dilemma game. Journal of Conflict Resolution, _, 167-196 . Wrightsman, L. S., Jr., O'Connor, J., and Baker, N. J. {Eds. ~ . (1972) . Cooperation anti competition: Readings in mixed-motive games. Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole.

86 FOOTNOTES 1The letters in the matrix on the right stand for the following words (Rapoport and Chammah, 1965~: R = reward, S = sucker's payoff, T = temptation, P = penalty. 2More precisely, reciprocity is a sensible strategy for a party to adopt in the PD because-of the following four features of the game (party is viewed as the column player and other as the row player in this analysis): (a) P > S; hence other cannot be expected to be content with a CD' outcome, which means that T' is only briefly attainable if at all. (b) R' > P' and R' > S'. (c) T > R; hence R' is not attainable by simply choosing C. (d) R > P; hence other will prefer CC' over DO'. These features define a PD for other, since they imply T > R > P > S. They define a broader set of games for party (all games in which R' > P' and R' > S'), including PD, chicken, standard instrumental conditioning paradigms, and several others. 3 earlier notions that punishment is largely ineffective at suppressing responses have been shown to be erroneous (Hulse et al., 1980).

87 4This model is related to the goal/expectation model developed by Pruitt and Kimmel (1980). The latter model holds that people cooperate when they develop (a) the goal of achieving mutual cooperation and (b) trust that the other party will reciprocate cooperation. The link is that the goal of achieving mutual cooperation can be viewed as an outcome of valuing the opponent's cooperation (condition 3) and believing that the opponent cannot be exploited - (condition 2). Trust is condition 1. 5It is interesting to note that both actor and target were in the same hurting stalemate in these periods. Hence, it can be argued that a hurting stalemate encourages resort to unilateral initiatives as well as reciprocity to these initiatives. This suggests that hostile relationships are particularly likely to improve when both parties are experiencing a hurting stalemate at the same time.

84 Predicting cooperation from the two sexes in a conflict situation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, _, 35-43. Pruitt, D. G. (1968). Reciprocity and credit building in a laboratory dyed. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 8' 143-147. Pruitt, D. G. (1970~. Motivational processes in the decomposed prisoner's dilemma game. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 14, 227-238. Pruitt, D. G. (1981~. Negotiation behavior. New York: Academic. Pruitt, D. G., and Rubin, J. Z. (1986~. Social conflict: Escalation stalemate. and settlement. New York: Random House. Rapoport, A., and Chammah, A. M. (1965~. Prisoner's dilemma: A study in conflict and cooperation. Ann Arbor' MI: University of Michigan Press. Rosenfeld (1967~. Skinner, B. F. (1938). The behavior of organisms. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Stapleton, R. E., Nacci, P., and Tedeschi, J. T. (1973). Interpersonal attraction and the reciprocation of benefits. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2S, 199-205. Swingle, P. G., and Gillis, J. S. (1968~. Effects of emotional relationship between protagonists in the prisoner's dilemma. Journal of Personality and Social

Culture and Group Cohesion Boa z Tamir and Gideon Kunda Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Introduction What makes men risk their lives under fire? This is a question that has occupied many scholars over the years. Military life offers perhaps the most extreme manifestation of the dilemma that lies at the heart of man's social existence: the degree of willingness of individuals to make personal sacrifices for perceived group interests. What made men "go over the top" at the Somme, stand under fire in ~squares" at Waterloo, cross the Suez canal in the 1973 Middle East War, and live underground for years in The San? Why do some military units break while others hold their ground? Answers have varied from Freud's (1936) suggestion that men are driven to war by an unconscious "death instinct," to Reegan~s (1975) speculation that it is the consequence of various combinations of rum (or other intoxicating agents), jingoism, and an untried, youthful machismo. While no conclusive answers have been given, the fact remains that military organizations vary quite dramatically, and apparently systematically, with regard to the group performance. For the military command, the same question assumes practical dimensions. To the extent that military decision-makers have degrees of freedom to influence the performance of men under fire (itself an open question), how to most effectively do so becomes a question of considerable significance for the outcome of military engagements. Whether articulated or not, this question has been addressed by military organizations in a variety of ways. Henderson (1983), for example, illustrates the very different practical theories of motivation that have guided military organization in countries as 1

diverse as the USSR, North Vietnam, Israel, and the United States. Perhaps the most common variable used to explain performance, with appeal to both students and practitioners of military organization, is "cohesion." Grounded in the literature on small- group behavior, cohesion refers to the quality of the relationships between members of the small group. Henderson (1983), for example, defines cohesion as: The bonding together of members of an organization/unit in such a way as to sustain their will and commitment to each other, their unit, their mission....cohesion exists in a unit when the primary day-to-day goals of the individual soldier, of the small group with which he identifies, and of the unit leaders are congruent...with all members willing to risk death to achieve a common objective. However, to explain performance with "cohesion thus defined, is to engage in tautology. Consequently, efforts to explain the existence of cohesion have been extensive, both i n mi 1 i ta ry and non-military contexts. Structural variables have been primarily used to explain cohesion. A sizeable literature on the structural underpinnings of small-group cohesion has emerged. Numerous studies have attempted to relate cohesion to group size, span of control, leadership style, length of tenure, recruitment and promotional practices, benefits packages, the nature of the task, the available technology, and so forth. While such structural and task variables no doubt have a significant impact on performance they are clearly insufficient, having long frustrated decision-makers eager to influence the nature of "cohesion. Since the unexplained variance remains considerable, more comprehensive explanatory variables are needed both for theoretical and practical

purposes. The cultural context of military performance has been offered as an important explanatory factor. Henderson, for example, suggests that the nature of beliefs and values held by soldiers, as well as external ideologies contained in their social, ethnic, and national groups of origin, mediate the connection between military structure and cohesion. Cultural variables, however, remain vaguely defined, and are often offered as an afterthought or a commonsensical and often tautological retrospective explanation. The purpose of this paper is to explore the role of cultural variables in explaining cohesion more systematically, by applying Schein~s (1985) model of organizational culture to the question of cohesion. In the first section, Schein's model will be outlined. Following that, the use of the model will be illustrated at the societal, organizational, and group levels of analysis, using examples mainly from Israeli military history. The main thesis is that cultural variables have an independent role in mediating the relationship between structural variables and cohesion. Finally, specific hypotheses will be outlined with regard to experimental project COHORT (Cohesion, Operational Readiness, Training) manning system.1 Appendix (A) briefly outline major methods for further exploration . i. The goal of the new personnel system is to keep the soldiers and their commanders together for a long period of time. Personnel, within this system, will be stabilized in their units for definitive time period. Movement in or out of units between those assignments periods will be constrained. The goal is to stabilize first term soldiers in their unit for their initial term of enlistment.

ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE IN THE MILITARY CONTEXT According to Schein (1985), culture refers to a shared world-view developed by members of a social group. He suggests that: ...culture should be viewed as a property of an independently defined stable social unit. That is, if one can demonstrate that a given set of people have shared a significant number of important experiences in the process of solving external and internal problems, one can assume that such common experiences have led them, over time, to a shared view of the world around them and their place in it. Culture, in this sense, is a learned product of group experience and is, therefore, to be found only where there is a definable group with a significant history.2 This shared world-view is presumed to influence and constrain how members perceive, understand, and take action in the world. As a concept, it is applicable to different types of social groupings, including civilizations, national entities, ethnic groups, occupations, organizations, and small groups. To the extent that members share certain views of the world they live in, they may be said to have a culture. A groups culture is manifested at three distinct levels (see Table 1: Levels of culture and their interactions): Artifacts, Values, and Basic Assumptions. Artifacts -- the constructed physical and social environment -- are the most visible level of a culture. These include all external manifestations of it: language' clothing, art, technology' 2. Edgar H. Schein Organizational Culture and Leadership, Jossey-Bass Publication, 1985, p. 7 4

arrangement of physical space, and so forth. Taken together, artifacts are an expression of a shared world-view held by members of a group or an organization. However, as guides to a group's culture, artifacts require careful and knowledgeable interpretation. For example, in the Israeli army, the dress code of the elite paratrooper unit is very different from that of the tank corps. Members of the paratrooper unit wear loose, often intentionally shabby and informal clothing. They typically wear a variety of civilian caps and ignore military insignia, including formal signs of rank and status. In the tank corps, in contrast, the dress code reflects the "spit and polish" image of the British army (where its founders received their training): there is careful and detailed attention to formal appearance and status differences. The dress code is just one artifactual element out of many in the Israeli army, yet it immediately invites interpretation: Do members of these two groups perform differently during peacetime? In combat? Do they have different attitudes about the use of military technology? Will these units react in different ways to the loss of a commander in combat, or to the necessity of an individual to endanger himself to help an injured peer? And areithese artifacts consistent with others? To answer such questions we must examine a deeper, more systematic aspect of culture: its values. Schein suggests that artifacts reflect shared underlying values for the group members. They serve the normative and moral function of guiding group members in how to deal with key situations. Group members are often conscious of the values they claim to share and 5

adhere to, and they can usually articulate them. For example, a number of key values in Israeli combat units guide behavior. "Never leave a comrade behind" is an organizationally supported and widely shared value that has guided behavior under fire. This value is associated most closely with elite infantry units. Report the truth" is a value that is expected to guide officer behavior: Never offer misleading or distorted information, even if the truth is personally damaging. "Follow me" (the leader is first into combat) is a battlefield value which suggests that commanders always lead their troops into battle, are always at the front line, and often take great personal (even unnecessary) risks. Each of the above is a widely known, frequently articulated, shared value in the Israeli army that either guides behavior in combat in ways that might contradict concern for personal safety and advantage, or serves as a shared standard for evaluating behavior. AS we will demonstrate there are myths, explanations, stories, and behaviors that illustrate these values; and despite the many documented examples of incongruent behavior (and even alternative values), they have a demonstrated effect -- at least in the authors' experience -- on combat performance and behavior. However, lists of values do not give the entire picture. In many cases such lists are not patterned, sometimes they are mutually contradictory, and sometimes they are incongruent with observed behavior or leave large areas of behavior unexplained. For example, the values of "personal example" and "volunteering" in the culture of the Israeli cohort units, that suggest the importance of individual responsibility to the collective or to his related group, have in the 6

past been a source of high status and a guide to the behavior of many conscripts. However, since the 1982 war in Lebanon, in many combat units the value of "own a little head", seems to have gained impetus. Similar to the Scottish Never volunteer and never refuse," the owner of the Little head" will do his duty and not openly challenge the importance of the collective task, but will not assume any further responsibilities. In general, this attitude represents a newly introduced element of passive self-preservation that challenges the old values. Thus, the examination of values is often inconclusive. This is due in part to the ~ideal" nature of values, i.e., if values express "espoused theories," then we must determine the variables of Theory in action."3 In addition, contrasting values often exist within a single group: Do they represent potential alternatives held in the collective mind of the group? Do they serve to differentiate sub- cultures within a single group? or do they represent a weakness, strength, or some dynamic not strictly related to effectiveness of the group? To get at a deeper and more systematic level that would allow us to decipher behavioral patterns) and predict future behavior, a third level of group performance must be understood -- that which is guided by "basic assumptions. ~ 3. In their analysis of theories of practice, Argyris and Schon suggest two kinds of theories: "espoused theories" are those that actors claim guide their actions, n theories in use t' are those that are revealed in practice. There is often a gap between the two. Argyris C. and Schon Donald, Organizational Learning, Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1978.

Basic assumptions comprise the underlying, taken-for-granted understanding of the nature of the world that is shared by group members, often at an unconscious level. Since they are taken for granted and unarticulated, basic assumptions are often unconfrontable and therefore difficult to change. In stable cultures, these basic assumptions underlie the patterns of values and artifacts which are more easily observed. A culture often contains inner contradictions at the basic assumption level, and contradictions often exist among its three levels of artifacts, values, and basic assumptions. For example, a shared basic assumption that characterizes the Israeli military combat unites (and Israeli society in general) is that there is an enemy with evil intent out to destroy the collective. Self preservation requires suspicion, vigilance and eternal conflict. "They [the enemies] don't understand any other languages is a frequently heard characterization of the enemy. The role of the individual in this struggle requires self-sacrifice and risk-taking that express a debt to the collective. This not only to his peers, but also to the overall society. This rhetoric of individual commitment to his peers also differentiates the Israeli from the presumed passivity attributed to Diaspora Jews. This basic assumption is expressed in the oft- repeated and now cliched words of a national poet [Alterman], who sees the "fallen" as the "silver platter that brought forth the state. These basic assumptions, perhaps less widely shared in Israel today, nevertheless serve as a basis for interpreting historical events, and explaining diverse aspects of Israeli political and military life. 8

Schein further suggests that cultural paradigms develop out of interlocking and congruent sets of assumptions that reveal a pattern. These patterns, consisting of the integration of basic assumptions, values, and artifacts, reveal the true nature -- the essence -- of group culture at any given time. An illustration of the power of basic assumptions is offered by Charles Moskos in "Success Story: Blacks in the Armyn.4 Moskos's major argument is that relative to civilian organizations in the US, blacks have reached high positions and a higher degree of social integration in the military. However, this artifact, while based on espoused values, is not yet rooted in basic assumptions toward racial integration. He states, "The main reason that integration succeeded in the military has to do with the special nature of military life. Orders, once given, must be followed, whatever a soldier's private feelings or misgivings..." But without "orders," the question remains whether these artifacts and espouses values will foster basic assumptions that promote interracial socialization, or even challenge certain racist "basic assumptions." And it is still an open question whether the army can serve as an arbiter of culture or whether it is merely influenced by its external social environment. For example, disintegration occurred along racial lines under the stress of battle conditions for US soldiers in Vietnam, which suggests that integration was not rooted at the time in basic assumptions -- the most deeply held convictions about the nature of social life that are the essence 4. Charles C. Moskos "Success Story: The Atlantic Monthly, May 1986. 9 Blacks in the Army,

of culture. Basic assumptions comprise the most crucial aspect of culture, the underlying paradigm governing a cultures more superficial manifestations. As Schein suggests, it is the nature of basi' assumptions that distinguishes the concept of culture from its other variables. Unless we have searched for the pattern among the different Underlying assumptions of a group and have attempted to identify the pa radi gm by which the members of a group perceive, think about, feel about, and judge situations and relationships, we cannot claim that we have described or understand the group's culture. At the minimum we should take each of the assumption areas ~ for a summery see Table 1 ] . . . and attempt to answer ~ - systematically whether or not real consensus exists among group members in the area. We can then decide that there is no culture or a weak culture or culture conflict between several groups. But unless we push to this level of analysis, we should not make any statement about culture at all. Superficial statements run the risk of losing the very meaning of the concept of culture or trivializing it to the point where the concept becomes no more valuable than the concept of values or norms.5 Schein suggests a number of dimensions along which basic assumptions can be categorized. These are reproduced in Table 1: 1 [Insert table 3 (Schein 1986, p. 86) here . ~ 5. Edgar H. Schein Organizational Culture and Leadership, Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1985, p. 111. 10

In this paper we will illustrate the importance of introducing the concept of basic assumptions to the analysis of military organization. For this purpose, we will focus on the basic assumptions that address the question of man's social nature and the nature of human relationships, and the group's relationship to the environment. Assumptions about human relationships, asserts Schein, are the foundation of culture, and they "...directly reflect or are coordinated with assumptions about human nature, the nature of the external environment, and the nature of truth and reality. n They may be seen as focusing on two dimensions: horizontal --peer relationship- - and vertical --authority relations. In the former, we can identify differences in assumptions concerning the way in which people relate to each other. Some cultures are "individual-competitive" and place more importance on the individual than the collective. Other cultures are "collateral" or "group cooperative," and emphasize group cohesion; individual needs are secondary to the group and are identified with common interests. The vertical dimension of authority relationships reveals the way in which organizations, and specifically military units, perceive the uses of power and power differences between the ranks. The differences between the "Cohesive Army" and the "Noncohesive Army" that Darryl Henderson (1985) describes is a good example of this concept: The members of the Noncohesive Army perceive more inequality between superiors and subordinates than those in the Cohesive Army. The Noncohesive Army leader will believe that the only way to run an organization is to assign individual tasks, hold individuals 11

accountable for their performance, and minimize group cooperative work because military operations could not, and should not, be democratized. The nature of combat decisions, under the Noncohesive Army assumption, must be fast and accurate and could not tolerate the slow democratic process or the compromise of the "lowest common denominator" that so often marks group solutions. In contrast, the Cohesive Army unit leader might emphasize cooperation and communication among soldiers as the best means of solving problems and implementing solutions. In this case the leader's rationale is that time invested on decision-making process before action is time saved during implementation. In sum, analysis of the levels of culture allow us both to capture the richness of the external manifestations of culture as well as the organizing themes and patterns that underlie and explain it. This allows us to understand both its uniqueness as well as its universal features. So far, however, the analysis is static, based on a cross sectional view of a culture at a particular point in time. Cultures, however are constantly evolving and changing. In the following section we will briefly outline Schein~s view of the dynamics of cultural change. I Culture as a Dynamic Concept Culture, in Schein's view, is a dynamic process. It evolves out of a complex social learning process, as the group struggles with questions of external adaptability and internal integration. Successful solutions to problems posed by the environment and internal group 12

dynamics, once implemented, become institutionalized, their rationale often drops out of the awareness of the group r s members' and they become the basis for shared basic assumptions. The dynamics of cultural change are not well understood. Even less clear are the ways in which cultural change can be explicitly managed (if at all). Nevertheless, Schein suggests a number of mechanisms of social learning that underlie the dynamics of cultural evolution and change. Of primary importance is leadership --the impact of individuals in positions of formal authority (and occasionally of informal authority) on the nature of the culture.6 6. First is socialization --the process whereby new members are introduced to the culture. According to Van Maanen and Schein, socialization is not simply a deterministic factor rooted in the individual's childhood, but a dynamic process that is developed along an individual career. They define organizational socialization as: . . . the process by which an individual acquires the social knowledge and skill necessary to assume an organizational role. Across the roles, the process may appear in many forms, ranging from a relatively quick, self-guided, trial-and-error process to a far more elaborate one requi ring a lengthy preparation period of education and training, followed by an equally drawn-out period of official apprenticeship. In fact, if one takes seriously the notion that learning itself is a continuous and lifelong process, the entire organizational career of an individual can be characterized as a socialization process. The relationship of-socialization processes to cultural evolution remains at a hypothetical stage. For example, in comparing between MBA students at Harvard and MIT-SIoan, Van Maanen ~ 1983 ~ proposed a number of dimensions of socialization processes and offered hypotheses concerning thei r impact on role performance and on some of the uncle rlying bel i e f s conce rning the relationship of individual s to Thai r tasks, to each other, and to their institute. - In the rea Im o f mi ~ i ta ry we can expect that a unit that is socialized within the system of individual replacement (which characterizes most of the Americans army's units) will be more conformist to the channels of command. This character could be 13

LEADERSHIP according to Schein, is probably the most essential variable in developing a culture. Since social learning is fundamentally an anxiety-reduction process, and military units, particularly in combat, are characterized by high levels of anxiety, the role of leadership in the military becomes all the more important. The leader's prescriptions for how to adapt to environmental stimuli help establish the basis for further reactions and thus he helps structure initially unstructured intragroup relationships. If the response works, it will be doubly reinforced in that it will both reduce anxiety and accomplish goals. Thus, actions that solve a ~ groups problems repeatedly, and that reduce individual and collective anxiety, will survive and become a part of the culture. The success or failure of the leader in shaping group culture is determined by his demonstrated ability to respond to external environmental conditions. However, if the leader is surrounded by strong members who are not willing to accept his initial assumptions, the process of forging initial responses will involve conflict, negotiation, compromise, or in some cases, a fractionization of the group. The way in which the leader is accepted by the group and how he transmits his own assumptions is mutually dependent on the previous culture and world- view that members of the group bring from their collective or individual experience. changed after pursuing the COHORT MANNING system that emphasis a collective unit socialization. 14

The military gives its leaders an important starting point in their struggle against other strong members of the unit: their formal rank, and the legitimization of their orders. Furthermore, because of the nature of the army, subordinates expect their leaders to be more experienced and skilled in solving problems under extreme conditions. Leaders who can skillfully shape and articulate a vision for their group, and can enforce the military~s hierarchical boundaries, have an important initial advantage in determining the group's responses. But this edge cannot last long. A "neurotic" leader, whose position is established solely on hierarchical boundaries, would probably increase group anxiety, reducing its capacity to operate under regular conditions, and preventing it from solving problems under the extreme circumstance of combat (Kets de Vries, and Miller 1984~. Thus, leadership interacts with other variables as well as with environmental contingencies. All this makes an analysis of the dynamic aspects of culture a complex task with results that are difficult to predict. In sum, culture should be seen as a dimension that is characterized by social continuity. But at different levels culture is changeable: while its artifacts and values are much easier to identify and are more malleable, its basic assumptions are much more difficult to change. It is more likely that the artifacts and values are shaped by its basic assumptions. Nevertheless, dramatic individual and social-historical experiences can change basic assumptions. For example, the contemporary American trauma of the 15

vie tnam war, or Israel's reaction to Egyptian President Sedates visit for peace, illustrate the way historical events have had a substantial impact on individual and societal basic assumptions toward war, peace, and a country's enemies. * * * Schein's model is applicable at all levels of analysis. Whatever the social grouping, the degree to which it is characterized by shared basic assumptions, i.e., the degree to which it might be said to have a culture --is an empirical question. In a complex society, members typically have multiple affiliations, and cultures may be seen as either nested within each other, or as intersecting. Thus a military field commander might be seen as a member of a national, ethnic, and class culture, as well as an occupational and organizational one. Consequently, the levels of analysis are not only methodological conveniences, but are conceptually and analytically linked. The culture of a small group is determined not only by small-group dynamics, but by the cultural dynamics of its social environment. In the following section, we will apply Schein's model to three levels of analysis: the army in a societal context, the regimental unit, and the small combat group. In each case we will offer comparative examples of basic assumptions characteristic of the group that influence cohesion under apparently similar structural conditions. Then, we will explore the case of project COHORT MANNING, and suggest some thoughts concerning the impact of culture at different levels of analysis, and how these hypothesis might be related. 16

CULTURE AT THE SOCI ETAL LEVEL: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE US AND ISRAEL MILITARY FORCES . . The structure-functionalist theoretical framework (Parsons 1949, Merton 1949), suggests that there is a direct connection between structure and function: For each social function there is one appropriate structure, one best or "classic structure. n This classic structure become one element among others in an overall social system that basically consists of political and economic realms, and a major "system-value" to which Parsons attributed the function of integrating all elements into the societal system (yet never fully elaborated). In this way every social institution is both an element [structure] carrying a defined role within its external societal environment, and also an environment to its internal sub- institutions. This analytical framework defines an organizational system in terms of its orientation to goals and assumes a consensus where members share the institutional goals ~ or overall social functions defined by top administrators . This claim, however, can lead a student of military cohesion to partial, even false conclusions. For 1 example, Gabriel and Savage, in Crisis in Command (1978), attribute the US military defeat in Vietnam to Forces internal to the military structure....~7 They insist that tithe strength or weakness of a 7. It is beyond the extent of this paper to explain the US military's disintegration and its performance in Vietnam, or the historical influence of the civil opposition to the war and its results. However, since we assume that the new COHORT plan to reconstruct the US army is an implementation of a structural- functionalist theory, we believe that the emphasis on structure 17

military structure is, by and large, a function of conditions generated within the military structure itself.~8 In Gabriel and Savage's perspective, the structural-functionalist view is sufficient for the understanding of military performance. Thus, the definition of the military function in its society dictate the most adequate structure. Gabriel and Savage reject, however, the cultural view, or in their words the "popular notion," that associates the army with its external societal culture. They dismiss the view that was first introduced by Alexis de Tocquevile in the nineteenth century. As de Tocqueville put it: "The remedy of the vices of the army is not to be found in the army itself, but in the country.~9 Thus, only a misinterpretation Of what Parsons named the ~value- system", or an unawareness of the linkage among the three layers of a culture proposed by Schein can lead to the following cone fusion : _~ ...there is nothing in the nature of American social values or in the application of technology which, 'ate into,' precludes the development of both a military structure in general and an officer corps constituted along traditional line=-~i.e., cohortI. Further, one has only to examine the British, French, and Israeli systems to see that the doctrines accompanying social democracy need not hinder the development of a highly cohesive, traditionally based, disciplined, and effective fighting force.10 rather than culture in here perceived as a major factor in determining military cohesiveness. 8. Richard A. Gabriel and Paul L. Savage, Crisis in Command, Management in the Armv, McGraw-Hill, and Wang 1978, pp. 32-33. 9. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Boston: John Allyn, 1873, II 331. 10. Gabriel and Savage Crisis in Command, p. 24. 18

i By taking structural-functionalists assumption to their extreme, Gabriel and Savage found themselves bound to deal with culture as an external variable in an organizational analysis. In order to keep the culture external to their analysis, they assumed that all democratic countries have developed similar patterns of authority in their institutions. Such an assumption creates a significant problem of plausibility for their theory. In this context their argument -- that the US military "classic" cohesive structure and ideology were displaced by the "ethics of the entrepreneur" and were not linked to factors operant in the American society at large -- bears reexamination. To cluster British, French, Israeli and American patterns of organizational authority in the same category of a democratic society, as Gabriel and Savage do, ignores the reality of national cultural diversification, and the mutual relationship among basic assumptions, values, and artifacts. Democratic values, in our view, are related to one segment of a broader national and organizational culture. The army is, overall, an organization with characteristic purposes, attitudes, and behavior. All are a reflection of the basic assumptions, values, and artifacts that grow out of internal and external social interactions. The basic assumptions, values, and artifacts are, in this respect, the principles crucial to understanding the military, like any other organization that shares an interdependency with its external society. Culture differences between societies, in our view, can provide us with an explanation of the sources that led each army to develop 19

its unique organizational pattern of authority. To demonstrate the linkage between a particular national culture and military cohesion let us examine the way in which the roles of US and the Israeli armies are perceived in their respective societies. The US army is considered one among other government or administration actors in a pluralistic system, and frequently participates in the political decision-making-process.12 The professional soldier or officer in the US army serves the administration as part of a mutual agreement to pursue his individual career. Thus, the cohesiveness of the US army is embedded either~by instrumental factors such as individual careers, or within a wide national political consensus when the individual's and the group/unit's philosophy are in harmony with their external society. The US army developed a pattern of authority characterized by the successful practices of the American economic institutions. A major impetus toward this pattern was given in the nearly 1960's by Robert McNamara. As secretary of defense in 1961, he attempted to expand the entrepreneurial economic tradition into the military. using his industrial management experience, he developed a set of Good business practices" for military management. Such an approach would ~-~~ Il. -Military cohesion is neither a consequence of one variable, such as structure or culture, nor one cultural dimension such as a particular basic assumption. Eventually it is a complex integration of all of these factors. Our point here is simply to show the importance of culture at each level of analysis. 12. For this discussion we should bear in mind that as an exception to most of the Western democratic states, the US pluralistic system embraces the armed forces as integral administration actors. In many other cases the army is considered external to the political and civilian decision-making-realm. 20

not have taken hold had it not been congruent with the broad social and cultural patterns exemplified by Corporate America Hence, structural changes in the US army, such as the COHORT initiative, are not sufficient to heal the "Vietnam Syndromes and replace disintegrated units with desired cohesive ones. This point is made in Moskos's discussion of the US military disintegration in iti etnam: It is suggested that the intense primary-group ties so of ten reported in combat units are best viewed as mandatory necessities arising from immediate life-and-death exigencies. Much like the Mobbesian description of primitive life, the combat situation also can be nasty, brutish, and short. To carry the Hobbesian analogy a step further, one can view primary-group processes in the combat situation as a kind of rudimentary.social contract which is - entered into because of advantages to individual self-interest. Rather than view soldiers' primary groups as some kind of semimystical bond of comradeship, they can be better understood as pragmatic and situational responses. Furthermore, the American soldier's essentially individualistic frame of reference in Vietnam was structurally reinforced by the operation of formal organizational assignment policies -- the rotation system -- which set a private termination date for each soldier's participation in the war.l3 The values that determine the way American soldiers fought also guided the way they expressed discontent. Individualistic and anti authoritarian discontent was manifested in the widespread use of drugs, desertions, and more extremely, in the practice of fragging.l4 13. Charles C. Moskos, Jr. The American Combat Soldier in Vietnam, n The Journal of Social Issues, Vol 31, #4, 1975, p. 37. 14. Fragging refers to the attempted killing of a peer or a commander by his counterparts or subordinates. It was used by the American soldiers in Vietnam and consider a major sign of self destructive phenomena characterizing the US military disintegration in Vietnam war. 21

The Israeli army operates in a very different cultural environment. This army is traditionally considered apolitical, and is central to the national ideology of independence. The cohort culture of the Israeli unit is rooted in the history of the Israeli army before and after statehood. Before statehood, the major Jewish force in Israel was the Palmach. The Palmach was the military arm of the .8aganan __ the political institution related to the Socialist Zionist political faction in the Zionist movement 15 and was closely related to the Kibbutz movement. Thus, the cohort structure has deep roots in a broader social philosophy; the military patterns of authority are not exceptional. The Palmach members, like the Israeli De fence Forces (IDF) soldiers, saw themselves as a leading national force. They were the young generation that claimed to overcome the psychological inferiority of the Jews in the Diaspora (non-sovereign Jews in exile, or out of Israel). Mo she Dayan and Yigael Allon become symbols of this generation; the "Sabra," the Hebrew name for the cactus fruit with a prickly exterior and a tender inside was used metaphorically to describe such an Israeli-born youth. The Palmach promoted the elite values of the intellectual, self- controlled or ~civilized" person that were also motivated by a deep universal socialist ideology. Bence, they enforced democracy and egalitarianism, not only among men but also between the sexes. Many women took an active role in combat within the Palmach forces. The 15. The Socialist faction was the leading force in the Zionist movement, and from the late 1930's dominated its politics. 22

leaders were "first among equals: Friendship and comradeship" were vital values. The Palmach, and the other small Jewish undergrounds before statehood (Etzel and Lehi) were the genesis of the IDF. The IDF is very different: the IDF is also a mixture of a diverse pattern of sub-cultures. However, values and artifacts that were introduced earlier in the paper, such as "volunteering, and Never leave a comrade behind" are just few among many other examples. But above all, the major artifact that every Israeli citizen supports without considering social class, education, or even sex, is compulsory enlistment.16 A war in this case becomes a matter for the entire society, and not an affair of some professional military personnel. Such an artifact reflects strong values and basic assumptions. In a democratic state with open borders it is almost impossible to mobilize an entire society to war without an underlying basic assumption that war is an inevitable result of self-defense. Broad social values stand behind the rational supporting a "just war" that is generated by the necessity of defense or supporting a war that is engaged in preventing aggression from another country. ross of consensus can produce a cultural crisis. In June 1982, for example, the value consensus in Israel was ignored by the governments controversial political decision to invade Lebanon. And as a result of this political decision the cohesiveness of the IDF was damaged. The Israeli soldiers, responded to this crisis in a 16. There are few exceptions due to religions affiliation: Jewish orthodox, and minorities like Muslims and Arab Christians. 23

complex way, manifested both in their pattern of following orders and in their method of protest.17 The political decision to invade Lebanon, created tension among at least three basic assumptions: I) Israel is in a perpetual adversarial relationship with its neighbors, and its because of its precarious existence, cannot tolerate extreme internal dissension. 2) the army is separate from, but recognizes the legitimacy of, the political system; and 3) Israelis will participate in war only when there is no other choice. Israeli soldiers protest in accordance with the way they fight.. The same group that had previously fought together now showed their discontent together over the decision to invade Lebanon. Entire reserve units finished their tours of duties and as civilians - 17. The Israeli and American forms of dissent were different from the response of their French counterparts to the societal controversies over "Algeria. n The French army's tradition of serving a civilian master faithfully and without protest had earned it the nickname the Great Mute army ( la Grande Mutte I: not one actor among others in an pluralistic adminstration. Despite a long tradition of the "Great Mute, ~ in May 195B, Ithe French army cast off its instrumental role in an unprecedented (by Western democratic standards) military intervention, after its humiliation in the -Algeria war. -The 1958 coup was an emotional eruption of a cohesive organization that thought to reflect the people's discontent with its Fourth Republic politicians and government. And, in fact, the military success in establishing the Fifth Republic was due to the alienated French army that was at one with the civilians of France in a common desire to bring an end to the im~nobilism of the Fourth Republic. The military success registered civilian disillusionment. The result of the Algeria war, in contrast to the US war in ltietnasD, was attributed to the government to setting explicit mili~cary goals, and not to a particular military structure. 24

demonstrated in front of the Prime Minister's house in Jerusalem.18 A letter addresed to Menachem Begin, Israel's prime minister, and signed by 35 soldiers of an elite unit, illustrates the tension among these three basic assumptions that was causing internal societal conflict: Not for this purpose did I volunteer for an elite unit! It was always clear to me that should I ever go to war, it would be a just war --a war necessary for our survival as individuals and as a nation... Now it is clear to me that ~ was deceived and that I was called to a war, for the first time in our existence as a state, not solely for defense purposes. ...Be aware, that those voices [the civil demonstrations] protesting against the war do not hurt my morale, but actually give me the strength to continue fighting with the conviction that our human values and sanity have not vanished. - Even now, ~ will continue to obey the order of my officers, but with the belief that I am endangering my life in a war in which I do not believe. I do not trust the defense minister [Ariel Sharon].19 The cohesiveness of the IDF was damaged, and it will take years before this social-political trauma will be cured. However, the fragmentation of the Israeli army was never as severe as that of the US army in Vietnam. In sum, cultural patterns are revealed both in combat and in dissent. While, the Americansiexpressed their discontent in an individualistic and anti authoritarian way, the Israeli's framed their protest as a collective attempt to change political decision- 18. Most of the IDF's human resources consist of reserve soldiers. These soldiers were thus able to participate in a civil demonstration against the government after they finished their period of conscription. 19. The letter was sent on July 24, 1982 and ten days later was published along with the prime minister's reply. 25

making within the democratic political and ideological context that exists outside the realm of the army, and to which they continued to express commitment. The above brief comparison shows the importance of harmony between the military and the societal values and basic assumptions: cultural disparity between the army and its social environment could be harmful to the army's cohesiveness. A detailed study of a military culture at the societal level can explain the interdependence of the various levels of culture that is essential for both a nation and its army in shaping and understanding military cohesiveness. A given ~ artifact such as military patterns of authority cannot be understood without examining their underlying layers of values and basic assumptions. A good military planner would never develop a tactic that is not rooted in a larger strategy; in the same way an army's culture cannot be separated from its external society. Furthermore, if we accept basic assumptions as the central axis for the dissemination of cultural values and artifacts, then it follows that army cohesiveness can be achieved through harmony with broader social trends. In sum, soldiers express their values and basic assumptions during combat, or when they find themselves frustrated by their social and political external environment. An analysis of an army's structure does not provide a sufficient explanation for such expressions; cultural analysis, as opposed to structural-functional analysis, has the potential to deliver a broader perspective for us to understand, and even predict, some of the responses of individuals 26

and groups to external and internal events. Thus, cultural factors should be viewed not only as important in determining organizational patterns of authority, but also the relationship between the cohesiveness of an army unit and its reaction to external stimulus. The next section will elaborate on this argument in the battlefield. we will do so by introducing a combat scenario in which two armies developed different offensive tactics, each rooted in an organizational culture. CULTURE AT THE ORGANI ZATIONAL LEVEL: LARGE UNI T CULTURE AND PERFOR~CE The examination of cultural patterns at the divisional level is crucial. It is at this level that culturally significant decisions are made and projects (such as COHORT) managed. In order to illustrate the weakness of the structural-functionalist explanation for the linkage among military structure, cohesiveness, and performance at the divisional level, we will compare the two competing combat offensive tactics applied during the Golan Heights combat between Syrian and Israeli armored divisions in the 1973 Middle East War. Despite the various similarities in structure that characterized the two armored divisions that clashed, shared the same geographical arena, and a common offensive strategy, cohesion and performance appeared to be different. In general, the Syrian offensive strategy in this combat was to surprise the Israeli forces before the latter could mobilize their 27

reserves. Syria's aim was to hurl a critical mass at the Israeli forces and to attain a military advantage in a particular theatre of operations. That is, Syria attempted to launch, in a very~short period of time, a massive armored offensive on the relatively small Israeli forces on the front line. The Syrian offensive tactic was developed in a dynamic way. The units were organized in straight lines and simply drove into the front. As the Syrian division approached the front line, it was segmented into brigades, and then into battalions. This tactic enabled commanders to exert relatively tight control and provided subordinates with a clear idea of their duties. Overall, such a strategic system required a high degree of order, with each individual performing a narrowly defined job; there was no room for exceptions. The Israeli counteroffensive was dramatically different. The tactic was to maneuver its forces much more flexibly: Units and individuals got assignments that could change frequently during the offensive, and frequently commanders at all levels as well as individual soldiers initiated activities that were in the Spirit of the mission" but were never planned. The freedom to react and adapt to a changing environment without getting a particular order to do so was an expected norm of Israeli combat tactics. Both of these military offensive tactics reflect a particular pattern of culture. The Syrian organizational approach is based on formal procedures that consist of a centralized decision-making process, where social cohesion is not necessary. Such tight control also coincides with the Syrian-tradition of internal adversarial 28

relationship between ethnic groups, and a totalitarian regime controlled by a minority group (the Alawites) that is supported by a strong security police force. All these artifacts are rooted in an underlying assumption that individual loyalty cannot be trusted; individual innovation or local discretion by a commander could be a threat to the regime. This is a case in which the planner seeks to create a pattern of control that suppresses individual or group creativity and innovation, and that has strict hierarchical boundaries, high degrees of specialization, and a low potential for resistance. The pattern of the Israeli offensive tactics, in contrast, - embodies decentralized and informal decision-making processes. Bere social cohesion is necessary, and lack of individual innovation and local discretion will prevent the army from achieving its mission. The most prominent value in this culture is the Maintenance of the objective" by all means and at all levels. Hence, in this case the planner seeks to create a combat culture that induces cohesion and broad job definition, a collective sense of identity and loyalty (~not to follow but to initiates), reduced hierarchical boundaries, and greater innovative behavior. The way in which the Syrian and the Israeli divisions kept fighting after their first attack illustrates the role of culture in affecting military cohesion. The Syrian division, due to high casualties sustained in the first wave of the armored offensive, was moved back to the rear for reorganization: The unit structure had to be completed in an attempt to implement the job required. The second 29

Syrian offensive was generated by another fresh, complete division. The new division not only consisted of a structure very similar to its preceding one, but also used the same armor and paths of attack. Despite the strategic surprise that the Israeli forces had experienced, together these Syrian offensive waves could not reach more then fifteen miles into the Israeli territory. For Syria a necessary condition for implementing the mission was to keep the fundamental cohort structure and reduce the gap between the basic plan and actual combat. When circumstances were changed -- either the shape of the unit, or the contingent-- the Syrian division lost its effectiveness. Hence, despite the fact that the Syrian- units were structurally organized within the cohort pattern, they could not keep fighting after the initial structure was changed. The Israeli division kept up its a ~ k without stopping for reorganization, or replacement; it always kept the front line, but the shape of the division changed. The casualties that it suffered were replaced mainly by consolidations of partial units, armor crews, and individuals that consolidated into crews. Thus, frequently large numbers of individuals in the consolidated units did not know each other. Many soldiers kept fighting with a commander they could not see and jeopardized their lives for peers they had not met before. Even units which had not been trained as a cohort could keep their cohesiveness. This fighting spirit was bound tore the r by common values and basic assumptions that are rooted in individual commitment, broad skill definition, and a broad national consensus. 30

In sum, two divisions with similar structures and tasks, performed differently. The differences can be accounted for by a cultural explanation. In the next section we will focus on a basic nucleus unit -- a tank crew -- and identify the cultural elements that stand behind the artifacts of both Israeli and Syrian tank crews. CULTURE IN THE NUCLEUS GROUP: THE T. - E CREW The structure of a tank crew is "cast in iron:" four member enclosed within an iron frame. However, cultural differences among tank crews are significant not only between two armies, but also within the same a rmy and unit. In this section we will examine the differences between a Syrian and an Israeli tank crew, which characterizes those crews that participated in the 1973 Middle East War on the Golan Heights battlefield. A typical Syrian tank crew as part of an armored division offensive must follow the leading tank into the front line. The rule is that if the leading tank is destroyed, the remaining tanks must bypass it into the front and keep to the offensive. In many ways this approach resembles, with some modification, the classic Roman Falanga tactic. The way in which a typical Israeli tank crew operates in the counteroffensive is distinct from its Syrian counterparts. The Israeli crew must be flexible enough to react independently, even when it loses communication with its unit. Not only the commander, but the entire crew must understand the mission and be able to 31

f implement it. Thus, the commander can be replaced if injured and the tank can keep to its mission. In contrast to the Syrian approach, the Israeli approach can be viewed as a modern interpretation of classic cavalry warfare.20 The cultural differences are manifested in a number of revealing practices. First, the crew's attitude toward the position of its commander, i.e., whether he should stand with his head out of the tank, and expose himself to greater risk by not having armored protection, or whether he should remain closed within the turret. This artifact is rooted in leadership values. A Syrian commander who participate in the "line offensives stays closed within the turret. Individual innovation is not required; his mission is strict and well-defined. Furthermore, an enclosed commander requires less commitment from his crew since he takes fewer personal risks. In this system of narrow job definitions, nobody in the tank crew can take over if the commander is injured, and his well-being is necessary for the crew to keep operating. When a commander is disabled the crew loses its ability to function and hence the commander must be protected to the same extent as the crew members. Since the operation requires very simple actions, is expected that the crew members will remain disconnected from commander's stressful environment, and it is assumed that their access to accurate information would cause damage by increasing their anxiety and ability to function. 20. See a good description of such a cavalry warfare in John Reegan The Face of Battle, Penguin Books, 1976. Chapter 2, Agincourt Battle. 32

There is no great room for maneuvers and changes; the division's success is determined by accurate strategic planning and the critical mass required to execute the tactic. A major unplanned environmental event can prevent the fulfillment of the mission. The artifacts of a Syrian tank crew would, among other things, consist of strict hierarchical bureaucracy to an inflexible response to changing combat conditions, and restricted predefined individual roles based on narrow job definitions. The tight Syrian hierarchical control is marked by a reluctance to be creative or innovative, and by a desire to follow the path of least resistance. In different, a common practice in the Israeli armor force is- that the upper part of the tank commanders body should be outside the turret. This position gives the tank commander immediate and direct knowledge of his environment, and enables him to make choices at his own discretion. Here the value of n follow me, n as well as the overall military values concerning the role of it commander corps, dictate the way in which the tank commander stands during combat (with his upper body out of the turret). In fact, frequently, in an attempt to improve his view, a tank commander will stand high in the turret, and even disobey his commander order to stand low. By standing with part of his body out of the turret, the tank commander exposes himself to higher risk only for the sake of active participation in and correct information about the battle. As a result of this typical artifact, during all combat in which Israeli armor participates, tank commanders are at highest risk and have the most casualties. 33

Second is the organization of communication in the tank. This artifact reflects deeper values is the fundamental disparity in the use of communication techniques. In a Syrian tank frequently there is no radio: the tank commanders simply follows their commander, or strict orders that have been given in advance. In a higher ranking commanders' tank (platoon level), the only person who listens to regimental communication networks is the commander, while the other crew members have access only to the internal. The network is designed so that only from the commander position can an individual member access external networks. In contrast to the Syrians, a common practice by Israeli crew members is to listen to all radio channels of command. They do so despite the fact that it makes the tank radio channel more difficult to follow. In other words, within a culture of narrow job definition, the tank driver should listen only to the tank commander: The function of the driver is explicit and as such his radio system should be channeled only to his tank commander. In an Israeli tank, technically each crew member can listen to all channels to which the tank commander is listening.21 The assumption underlying the last two examples is that each Israeli individual in combat should have a large amount of accurate information about the combat, both before and during his unit's operation. For that matter the Israeli crew must develop informal 21. This is true even if the tank commander is also a division or battalion commander. In this case the tank crew are listening to the entire divisions or battalion's radio channels. 34

hierarchical boundaries that consist of a common ability to innovate, contingent upon broad job definition and social cohesion. Hence, since the crew's values determine that every individual shares all information even when such information is not directly relevant for him. However, the common practice is to try to get a better view of the close environment and to keep a connection with the broad picture by listening to the radio. The artifact that indicates this pattern of sharing information, is rooted in values such as mutual commitment, and the basic assumption that all Israeli individuals and groups are in pursuit of a common goal. Values, rather then structures, are frequently used as a basis to define combat behavior. The importance and the emphasis that is given to the necessity to share information among all ranks in the Israeli army is case in point. The functional consequences is twofold: First, it is instrumental in fulfilling an innovative job; and second, it sets the stage for internal replacement of any crew member, especially the commander, so that another member can lead the force. Namely, within the context of sharing information, every individual and even every unit is replaceable; sharing information is also the framework that enables a unit to adapt to rapid environmental and internal structural changes. In sum, we can confidently assume that further examination of a military unit's basic assumption that would reveal related behavioral and performance variables. Social cohesion, based on common values and basic assumptions, rather on a particular structure in such a unit is fundamental for implementing the mission. 35

CONCLUS I ON In this essay we used Schein's (1985) model of organizational culture to explore the relationship of cultural variables and military cohesion. The focus on culture should not be interpreted as an ignorance of other types of variables. in particular, we recognize the centrality of structural and task (or functional) variables in determining the relation of military cohesion and performance. These variables, however, have received more than their fair share of attention from scholars who have applied social theory to the analysis of the military organization. The purpose of this paper was to introduce and examine the contribution of the relatively neglected dimension of organizational culture to the analysis of military performance. The paper challenges some of the structural-functionalist assumptions that have guided much of the research on organizational performance. We assert that the overemphasis on linear relations between structure and function is an inadequate explanation of social action. The concern with expected consequences typical of structural-functional explanations, rather than with the causes of social action that lie in the realm of culture, often leads to a distorted view of organizations. Thus, an organizational design based upon a strict functional and task analysis risks inadequacy by ignoring cultural variables that mediate, limit, constrain, or enhance performance. These variables are necessary to explain organizational diversity under similar conditions. Overconcern with the expected consequences or the organizational goals, at the expense 36

of the causes of a particular social action is analogous to designing a military uni t for an environment characterized by a lack of ambiguity, "plain,n nclean" and specific combat. Such an approach suffers from an overdeterministic view of human behavior. In addition, this approach also manifests an assumption of social homogeneity, while not considering the diverse origins of the unit groups and individuals. To be fair, the structural-functionalist contains the seeds of Schein's cultural perspective, manifested in Parsons attempt to understand the social origins of the organization by proposing the concept of a cultural value-system. In Parsons' view, an Organization is tied to society by the value-system which it shares and by its functional requirement which it can only meet through the society and which must be satisfied if it is to survive.22 Bowever, the notion of a semi-independent cultural sub-system is the least explored one. Hence, by suggesting unidirectional culture diffusion --from the top down-- the structural-functionalist's approach does not explore the notion of sub-cultural development, and the reality of diverse organizations performing within the same ~functional" realm. Hence, a major question remains open: how and why do diverse organizations arise and operate within the came functional boundaries.23 22. Parsons Talcott (1965) "an Outline of the Social Systems, In Parson ed. Theories of Societies, New York: Free Press, pp 30. 23. The counts r a rgument that each o rgani zati on has some unique manifest or latent social function that explains its specific form (Merton, 1949) is at best tautological. 37

Parsons' underutilized notion of a "cultural system" served as the departure point for Schein's culture framework. Schein's model is in fact an additional but necessary development of the structural- functional model, in which cultural variables become endogenous to the analysis. Thus, the organizational culture framework should be considered as a theoretical extension which tries to connect the structural-functional relations among the three basic analytical levels -- societal, organizational, and group. Schein's culture model adds two significant dimensions to organizational analysis: first, a rigorous analysis of the internal dynamics that account for the uniqueness of a given organizational culture, rather then the external forces embodied in Parsons, value- system that mold organizations into a specific societal function. This enables us to examine sources and processes (rather then the structure and function ~ that lead to organizational diversity, and offers variables (such as leadership and socialization) that are controllable by decision makers. Second, Schein's model explains cultural constraints on organizational performance in situations where pure structural and functional considerations would suggest successful outcomes. In Schein's view, basic assumptions --learned ways of viewing the world-- often constrain or enhance organizational performance independently of other variables. This perspective offers decision makers a way of understanding the limits of structural design 38

decisions, as well as those of organizational strategies and policies. For example, an analysis of the new COHORT MANNING system that considers Schein's culture framework will provide both the policy-maker and the military scholar with an important dimension that is missing from the structural-functionalist perspective. In sum, the organizational culture framework suggest that organizational structure is not only a result of external forces, or inherent in the nature of the organizational goals, function, task or technology, but a consequence as well as a symbol of the most fundamental cultural factors that develop within the organization. Namely, while the structuralist argument emphasizes top down causal links, and in fact presents a highly constrained and deterministic image of individual choice and behavior, the cultural argument adds a perspective that is derived from the bottom up and thus emphasizes variables that are potentially controllable by individual decision makers as well as other participants. Overall, it adds sets of cultural variables that must be understood and taken into account by anyone who would influence the nature of military life, and the outcomes of military performance. SOME COMMENTS WITH REGARD TO PROJECT ~ COHORT ~ HINGE Our discussion of the relationship of culture~structure and cohesion in military setting has a number of implications for project COHORT MANNING. In essence we claimed that the impact of the structural arrangements on attitudinal and performance outcomes in meditated by culture variables that are at least partly independent and should be 39

taken into account in the planning stage. COHORT MANNING is primarily program that defines the structure and the shifts of units. What impact it will ultimately have on the performance of military units under various conditions is --if we are right-- not a simple question. These outcomes might very quite dramatically under the same structural conditions as a result of culture variables. An analysis of these variables might help in designing the project and in practice its outcomes. As an example of hypotheses that are derived from a cultural perspective, we offer the following: 1. The relations between structure and performance COHORT is necessary but not sufficient condition for attaining military horizontal-cohesion. Thus, cohesion might disrupted by contradictory basic assumptions. The racial tension among peers in the US army in Vietnam, as described by Moskos, is a point in case. 2. The Dynamics Factors: A COHORT socialization can be destructive to vertical-cohesion, by producing a subculture that rejects external intervention. For example, John Van Maanen (1983) asserts that as a result of the cohort structure in the Harvard Business School, its graduates develop cooperative horizontal values, but are much less conformist as subordinates. In contrast, at the MIT Sloan School of Management the graduates are trained individually, and hence friendship among peers is rare, but graduates are much more conformist as subordinates. - 40

Socialization in a Cohort unit is designed in an attempt to "breaks the individual as a private citizen, and remold him as a member of a cohesive unit. A conflict between the values of a person as a citizen and as a soldier could be developed. A COHORT scheme blocks the ambitious individuals from promotion: A soldier who desires to be an officer will find it much more difficult, not only because of the structural determination, but also as a consequence of the cohort culture that suppresses individualism and demands loyalty to the group. 3. Demographic Element A COHORT unit that consists of individuals who enlisted without any other economic choice will develop low self-esteem and internal distrust: instead of having an elite spirit, the second-class spirit will be in force. 4. Ideological Element The COHORT scheme can develop internal values that will contradict civilian legal principles such as the military subordination to the civil political regime, and the ethic and moral foundation of the society. 41

APPENDIX A: SOME NOTES OF FURTHER METHODOLOGI CAL RESEARCH An empirical application of Schein's model of organizational culture poses a number of methodological problems. First, the research is required to develop a systematic and comprehensive understanding of the artifacts of the organization.24 Second, a fairly intimate acquaintance with a number of members of the organization representing its various subgroups is needed in order to understand their views beliefs, and values. Finally, interpreting basic assumptions requires that the researcher be in a position to interpret matters that are not easily accessible to most member -- they are unconscious, tacit, or unarticulated. All require context sensitive first hand involvement. In other words, qualitative research is called for. In our view, two types of qualitative research address the methodological problems posed by the theoretical framework: clinical and ethnographic study. The former is outlined in detail in Schein (1985). In essence, the researchers engage in a form of action- research where the problems and the research process are jointly defined with "the client. n The purpose is to help the client solve practical problems. In the course of such research the researchers periodically visit the organization and may engage in extensive individual and group interviews, as well as offer the client organizational feedback. The feedback analysis process generates more data for research. One possible tool for cultural diagnosis in the context of such study is the "Cultural Diagnosis Questionnaires outline 24. In this short discussion of research methodology we will refer all level of analysis (military, regimental, or cohort group etc.) to a generic name -- organization. q2

by Schein (1985~. Ethnographic study has a different emphasis. In it, the researcher takes a passive observational role that is typically more extended and is often based on participant-observation. Ideally, the researcher joins the organization for long period of time. The purpose it to collect data in order to write a comprehensive description of the culture, or aspects of it. Feedback and intervention do not typically occur in the course of the study, and the outcome from the organization's point of view is a final report. Comparative study is possible: for example, two units might be studied simultaneously. The two approaches have different advantages. Clinical research is usually less "labor intensive." It is suited to a managerial or a command perspective, and allows a focus on specific managerial practical dilemmas. When properly done, it is often experienced as helpful by members of the organization. Ethnographic research requires heavier time commitments. A period of at last eight months of observation is recommended. This type of research tend to focus on the lower levels of organization, with an emphasis on description and analysis of the everyday life of members. It allows the researcher to witness events that might be crucial in understanding "what is really going on. Some combination of both types of research might be possible. 43

Select Bibliography Argyris Chris, and Schon Donald A. (1978) Organizational Learning, Reading Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Boston: John Allyn, lB73, II. Freud S. (1936) Citizen and its Discontent, New York: Norton. Gabriel Richard A. and Savage Paul L. (1978) , Crisis in Command Management in the Army, McGraw-Hill, and Wang. Henderson Darryl Wm. (1985) Cohesion, The human Element in Combat, Washington D.C.: National De fence University Press. Reegan John (1976) The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo, and the Somme, Penguin Books. Feegan John (1982) Six Armies In Normandy, Penguin Backs. Retz de Vries, M. F. R., and Miller, D. The Neurotic Organization: Diagnosing and Changing Counterproductive Stvies of Manaqement, San Franc~sco: Jossey-Bass, 1984. Merton Robert K. ~ 1949 ~ Social Theory and Social Structure, Free Press . Moskos, Charles C. Jr., (1970) The American Enlisted Man, New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Moskos Charles Jr. ~1975 ~ The American Combat Soldier in Vietnam, n The Journal of Social Issues, Vol 3l, #4 . Parsons Talcott ~ 1949 ~ The Structure of Social Action, Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Schein Edgar M. (1971) The Individual, the Organization and the Career: A Conceptual Scheme, Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, #7. Schein Edgar M. (1985) Organizational Culture and Leadership, Jossey-8ass Publication. Van Masnen John (1983} "Golden Passports: Managerial Socialization and Graduate Education" The Review of Higher Education Summer 1983, Vol. 6, #4, Pages 435-455. Van Maanen John and Edgar H. Schein (1979) "Toward A Theory of Organizational Socialization," from Stw, B. M. Ed. Research in Organizational behavior, Vol I. Greenwich, Connecticut: JAI Press. 44

Van Maanen John J. (1977) "Toward a Theory of Career" in Van Maanen, ed. Organizational Career: Some New perspectives, New York John Wiley & Sons, Inc. - 45

I Table ~ Insert in p. :,0 Table 1. Basic Underlying Assumptions Around Which Cultural Paradigms Form. 1. Humanity's Relatsonsnip to Haters. At talc o~atioD~1 lam, to the Rely mcmbcn anew the relationship of the organization to its ~. sortmcut as one of dolce, submission, harmo~in& ~d~g ~propuatc niche, or what? 2. Thc Nature of Reality and Troth. Thc linguistic "d behamoml ndes that define what ~ real and what is not, what is ~ "fact," how truth is ul~atcly to be deed, and w~cthcz truth is '4rc~rcalcd" or "disco~c~cd"; basic concepts of time and space. Tic Nature of Human .Vats~rc. Unseat does it mc:~n to be 'human" ant what attributes arc considered intns~sic or ultimate? Is }human noetic good, evil, or ncutsal? Arc human brinks perfcc~le or not? 4. Thc Natz`rc of Human .4ctsvity. What is the "flight" Dins for hump bergs to do, on the basis of the above assumption about rcaliry, We cn~nrons~cnt, ant human nantre: to be BCtI~C, passive, sdf~dc~dop" mental, fatalistic, or what? What is work and what is play? 5. Thc Satyrs of Human Relationships. What is considered to be the "nght" way for pcopic to relate to each other, to distribute power and logic? Is life cooperative or compciiu~c;indi~ndu~stic, group col- laborau~rc, or communal; based on t~diiiona] linc31 authon~law, charisma, or what?

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