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1 Introduction: E Pluribus Plures or E Pluribus Unum?--Marta Tienda and Faith Mitchell
Pages 1-15

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From page 1...
... , Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Central and South Americans, and Spaniards.3 1In the papers, the terms Hispanic and Latino are used interchangeably. 2Excluded from the Hispanic label are Latin Americans who are not Spanish speaking, from the French-speaking Haitians (although they share the island of Hispaniola with the Spanish-speaking Dominicans)
From page 2...
... Hispanics differ from non-Hispanics in several ways that set them apart from other race and ethnic groups in the United States: a youthful age structure; low average education levels; disproportionate concentration in unskilled jobs; a common ancestral language; and, among the foreign-born, a significant share who are legally undocumented. Each of these differences 4Many of the authors used a common file of the March Current Population Survey for the years 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, and 2002, including specially constructed variables for data about Hispanic ethnicities and generational cohorts defined by age at arrival and nativity of self and parents.
From page 3...
... Evidence that cultural expressions of ethnicity are rendered largely symbolic by the third generation notwithstanding, there are several reasons to expect that Hispanics' integration experiences will deviate from those of earlier groups: success in the U.S. labor market now requires higher skill levels than was true in the past; there is a rising share of undocumented people among the foreign born; whether or not the Hispanic geographic dispersal now under way will promote or retard acceptance is still unclear; and the burgeoning second generation is coming of age as the majority society ages.
From page 4...
... This comparative human capital disadvantage of Latin American immigrants, which relegates them to the lower rungs of the occupational structure, is reduced significantly but not eliminated by the
From page 5...
... These demographic foundations -- the components of growth, the changing age structure, and new settlement patterns -- are fundamental to understanding how the growing Hispanic presence will affect schools, labor markets, and social institutions. Durand, Telles, and Flashman also show how historical settlement patterns that concentrated Mexicans in the Southwest, Puerto Ricans in the Northeast, and Cubans in South Florida have evolved in recent years.
From page 6...
... FAMILY, SCHOOL, AND WORK In large part, Hispanics' current economic and social status reflects their youthful age structure, their low average education levels, and the large shares of recent immigrants with limited English skills. Owing to the dominance of Mexicans, who are the least educated of all Hispanic groups, the foreign-born Hispanic population is disproportionately concentrated at the bottom rungs of the occupational and wage structure.
From page 7...
... These trends include the rising age of marriage, an increase in cohabitation, a dramatic shift in the proportion of children born outside marriage, high divorce rates, high rates of female family headship, and a growing share of children with restricted access to their fathers' resources. Using data from the census, the National Center for Health Statistics, and published sources, the authors document trends in several indicators of family change, systematically comparing Hispanic national subgroups with non-Hispanic whites and non-Hispanic blacks.
From page 8...
... Schneider, Martinez, and Owens claim that different factors influence scholastic success throughout the school process. Before Hispanic students begin formalized schooling, family resources are critically important: at this stage, the confluence of low parental English proficiency and educational attainment combined with limited educational resources at home hinders Hispanic parents from engaging their children in early literacy activities that contribute to academic success.
From page 9...
... The authors conclude that the large gaps in human capital -- both educational attainment and proficiency in English -- between native- and foreignborn Hispanics and relative to non-Hispanics -- both whites and blacks-decisively influence their labor market outcomes.5 For immigrants, the effect of these disadvantages is multiplied by the imperfect transferability of 5Only about one-third of Hispanic immigrants speak English "very well," compared with 90 percent of the U.S. born (and 99 percent of U.S.-born whites and blacks)
From page 10...
... Her chapter uses the various social arrangements described in preceding chapters -- national origin, family structure, education, and earnings -- to analyze total household income, which is a measure of economic well-being that includes the earnings of all household members, plus unearned income from public benefits and other sources. She uses Current Population Survey data for 1998-2002 to depict variation in income packaging among working-age Hispanics, including contributions from earnings, public benefits, and the incomes of extended household members.
From page 11...
... Many findings reported by Escarce, Morales, and Rumbaut encourage optimism about Hispanics' health status. For example, with the exception of Puerto Ricans, Hispanics have lower age-adjusted mortality than nonHispanic whites despite their lower socioeconomic status, which is usually associated with higher mortality.
From page 12...
... This chapter, which reviews evidence on Hispanics' access to and quality of health care, also presents new data from recent national surveys to show how national origin, English fluency, and citizenship status are associated with access to, and quality of, health care. The authors use data from the National Heath Interview Survey, the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey, and other sources to document barriers to access, with particular attention to the role of health insurance coverage and sources of care, patterns of health care utilization, and the quality of health care received.
From page 13...
... Although many Hispanics do not identify with panethnic labels or understand what they share in common with people of other national origins, DeSipio claims that a set of issues that bridge national origin groups and generations loosely cohere into a common political agenda. These issues, which include public education, social services, health issues, and the enhancement of government capacity in domestic politics, are neither outside the American mainstream nor particularly controversial, although they can potentially shift national debates by matters of degree.
From page 14...
... Because college attainment is increasingly mandatory for labor market success and English proficiency is vitally important for navigating health care systems and meaningful civic engagement, Hispanics' economic prospects may hinge crucially on their mastery of English and their success in closing postsecondary education gaps with non-Hispanics. With time, most immigrant communities become ethnic groups, and within three generations, most expressions of ethnicity are rendered largely symbolic as cultural, structural, spatial, and marital assimilation blurs ethnic distinctions.
From page 15...
... Whether these trends will continue, and at what pace, depend on several factors that are currently in flux. The factors include the level and composition of future immigration flows; whether Hispanic immigrant's geographic dispersal accelerates spatial and social assimilation; whether growing numbers of foreign-born Hispanics become citizens and vote; the future vitality of the U.S.


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