Once, Only Once, and in the Right Place Residence Rules in the Decennial Census (2006) / Chapter Skim
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II Residence Rules Meet Real Life: Challenges in Defining Residence - 3 The Nonhousehold Population
II Residence Rules Meet Real Life: Challenges in Defining Residence - 3 The Nonhousehold Population
Pages 59-112
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From page 59... ...
Part II Residence Rules Meet Real Life: Challenges in Defining Residence
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or whose ties to any fixed residence are ambiguous. In addition, we identify groups that are not explicitly covered by current census residence rules or that have historically proven difficult to count by the standard census methods and questionnaires.
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We prefer the nomenclature "nonhousehold population," but still use "group quarters" in this and later chapters for consistency with past work. We also include in this chapter two groups that blend elements of group quarters and standard household enumeration.
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This approach was used in the 2000 census: types of places were designated as group quarters in advance, without any numerical criterion in the definition of "group quarters." Table 3-1 lists the 2000 census totals for the group quarters population, divided by group quarters type. The major groups in that listing -- college students, patients in health care facilities, and persons in correctional facilities-are also significant cases where residential ambiguity and census error are potential problems.
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64 ONCE, ONLY ONCE, AND IN THE RIGHT PLACE s 5 5 on atil 30,334 20,511 69,296 40,022 7,682 1,944 30,396 19,029 79,106 41,857 20,76 2,325 1,885 ,555 9,924 Censu 154,391 623,81 234,241 16 23,538 128,279 71,496 19,290 12,725 39,481 opuP 4,059,039 1,976,019 1,077,672 1,720,500 2000 e ype,T ps) sewherel sewhereel ockul cappedi drenl Quarters cei home home chi hand al al ed pol yl suu suu rb Group ngidu capped ed cappedi cal rendl no no handi lli chi stuid hand by ncl(i yl yl lli yl lli retard yl yl physi have have estiil the cal cal yl ected se cal the onal fors lli cal who who abu for negl ents faci onsti chroni yl mental physi emoti tu cal chroni wards ents ents and nqui opulationP the the for centers school for chroni for cohol onsti tu pati pati on nstii ors ent, ces for for for delel and chroni g/al tal nstii fors fors veni onal for wards dru ndi centers wards wards tal tal ju on detenti confinement barracks ces, hospi deaf bl depend Quarters onsti ors wards hospi and for c)
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THE NONHOUSEHOLD POPULATION 65 7 8 29,43 27,346 355,155 310,791 281,416 29,375 44,364 454,055 94,243 63,912 148,043 16,119 131,738 78,102 97,697 47,664 32,143 17,890 4,523 95,565 570,369 3,719,594 2,064,12 7,778,633 s.gov. arl rendl misi .censu and nder chi ent nquield s)
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An analysis of the 2000 census public-use microdata sample (Ruggles, 2003:481) concluded that the Census Bureau's decision to scrap a rule that would define a group quarters on the basis of a set number of unrelated individuals living together was largely inconsequential because only 42 households in the sample would have been declared group quarters using such a rule (using the 1990 cutoff)
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College students were the focus of one of the first formal census residence rules (see Section 2B.1) , and were the focus of one of the most significant changes to the rules in recent decades.
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were based on the ICR long form, for enumeration of military personnel and maritime vessel crew, respectively. The MCR and SCR forms begin by asking for context-specific information -- installation/base name and unit name for the military, name and operator of ship for the shipboard population -- after requesting the respondent's name in question 1.
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") , even if the respondent lived in a group quarters type for which the Census Bureau did not allow "usual home elsewhere" information to be used.
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No specific mention of college students (distinct from general boarders) are made in enumerator instructions between 1910 and 1940, preserving the notion of counting college students at their parental homes.4 In 1950 the Census Bureau reversed the rule and concluded that the students should be counted at the place they were living while attending college.
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In analogous arguments on the counting of prisoners elsewhere in this report. With specific respect to college students, the adequacy of the Census Bureau's procedures for generating intercensal population estimates for including college students has drawn some fire.
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Plans to include overseas U.S. military personnel and their dependents in the state-level apportionment counts in the 1970 census, based on "home of record," occasioned a major challenge to the Census Bureau's practices in counting other special populations.
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Therefore, there is a conflict between the subjective feelings of both parents and students and the census residence rules, which can lead to both omission (college students assuming that they are counted at "home" and not completing a form at their school location) and -- particularly -- duplication (being counted at both the college and home locations)
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As shown in Table 3-1, the 2000 census counted 2,064,128 students in dormitories or college-owned quarters on or off campus. With data from the National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, a survey conducted every 4 years by the National Center for Education Statistics, Table 3-2 shows students' living arrangements while enrolled in college.
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SOURCE: Data from National Center for Education Statistics, National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 2004 Undergraduates. Tabulation from DAS-T Online, accessed through http://nces.ed.gov/das/.
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Data from the National Center for Education Statistics suggest that the total enrollment at boarding schools in the United States is approximately 100,000 students at 1,500 schools, including both day and boarding students.8 As of 2003, the Bureau of Indian Affairs operated 66 boarding schools with approximately 9,500 students; some of these students are known to live at the school location year-round, staying with a state- or tribe-appointed guardian during vacations (U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division, 2004)
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Other commentators who have looked at recent census residence rules (Lowry, 1987; Hill, 1987; Mann, 1987; Sweet, 1987) have advocated that the rule be changed to count students at the boarding school location, for consistency with true "usual residence."9 Reflecting the desire for consistency, the Census Bureau's draft discussion points on rules for the 2006 census test (shared with the panel)
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McCormick and Chulis (2003:143) observe that the "proliferation of facility-like residential alternatives to nursing homes"-going by "various names including assisted living facilities, continuing care facilities, retirement communities, staged living communities, age-limited communities" -- over the past 10 to 15 years is a major reason why 1980s-era projections of looming shortages of traditional nursing home beds "did not materialize." These "life care communities," which McCormick and Chulis (2003:143)
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Since 1973, NCHS has periodically contracted with the Census Bureau to conduct the National Nursing Home Surveys (NNHS) .10 In the most recent round for which data are available (1999)
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comments that "the increase in the number of nursing home residents requiring short stays coincides with the implementation in 1983 of the hospital prospective payment system. This system shortened hospital stays and increased Medicare-funded postacute care in nursing homes." Still, "the nursing facility was in 1999, as it was in 1977, a place where many of the residents had been in the facility for substantial durations since their admission" -- 27 percent of current residents in 1999 had been in the facility for 3 years or more since admission, and 30 percent had stays of 13 years (see Table 3-3)
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Thus, overall, trends in the industry make it difficult to accurately develop address lists for health care facilities, and the internal diversity in living situations in facilities labeled "hospitals" or "nursing homes" exacerbate the problem. Address listing efforts that rely on the name of an institution, or the classification derived from state licensing regulations, may be out of step with the specific unit-by-unit duration of stay and level of care or oversight provided in the facility.
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. · Much as is the case with college students or on-duty military personnel, the family members remaining at a household when a loved one enters a hospital or nursing facility may not think of the facility as their loved one's "usual residence." This is particularly the case if the move is seen as limited in term (e.g., physical rehabilitation)
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. Of these, 1,421,911 were housed in federal and state prisons and 713,990 in local jails (15,757 were housed in prisons in U.S.
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In every case, therefore, enter the name of the county and state in which the prisoner is known, or claims, to reside." In the main census schedule, enumerator instructions read that "all inmates of .
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Accordingly, rule 20 of the 2000 census residence rules indicated that a person "under formally authorized, supervised care or custody, in a correctional institution, such as a federal or state prison" should be counted at the prison, with no provision made to claim a usual home elsewhere. The Census Bureau has long argued that considering the prison the "usual residence" of an incarcerated person is a reasonable choice, and that other interpretations would raise further problems.
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Moreover, all but one of the Gatesville facili 16Florence (about 60 miles southeast of Phoenix) houses two state prisons (Arizona State Prison ComplexFlorence, Arizona State Prison ComplexEyman)
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Proponents of change to the Census Bureau's current policy of counting prisoners at the facilities argue that the policy disadvantages prisoners' home communities by denying them resources they need to facilitate effective prisoner reentry to the community (e.g., occupational 17The male-only exception is the 2,900-inmate-capacity Hughes prison, established in 1990. The city's Gatesville, Hilltop, Mountain View, Murray, and Woodman prisons are women-only; the oldest of the facilities came on line in 1975, while three of the women's prisons have been established since 1990.
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The U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia held that the Census Bureau is not compelled to consider factors like the impact of residence rule determinations on fund allocation; they are required to make a "rational determination" in defining residence, and the court judged that the Bureau's policy of counting the prisoners in Virginia had a rational basis.
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Regardless of where they are counted, prisoners present an immediate complication for this use of census data. Only two states permit prisoners to vote during their periods of incarceration, but all prisoners count toward the composition of districts -- for purposes of ensuring equal district population size.20 This source of distortion is compounded by the size and general location of correctional facilities; particularly for state legislative districts, the siting of prisons in rural areas can draw representation away from urban centers.
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That said, the court observed that the District of Columbia did make a solid point when arguing that the District "pays all of the costs of maintaining Lorton, including water and electricity," and that inmates retained eligibility for "health, social and educational benefits" paid for the by District. In short, the District bore all costs for Lorton, while "Virginia's only connection to the facility is that it is within the geographic boundaries of the state and Virginia can not collect taxes from businesses or residences that otherwise might have been there." "In one light, this would appear to be a convincing argument," the court held; indeed, "it appears that all that separates Lorton residents from being counted as District of Columbia residents is a mere vagary of the District of Columbia's strange position as a city without a state." However, the court concluded that the paramount goal of the census is the production of a count for the purposes of apportionment and that, "however rational it may seem to examine the source and nature of fiscal support" won or lost by residence definitions like the Lorton case, "the Census Bureau is not required to do so." Rather, the court held that the Census Bureau's interpretation of usual residence, "based on geography" and "developed and consistently applied," constitutes a "rational determination." In short, the court ruled that, "although including Lorton within the District of Columbia population may be more equitable, we cannot say that the Bureau acted without a rational basis..
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") After the closure of the Lorton Correctional Complex, prisoners housed there were to be transferred to facilities of the Federal Bureau of Prisons or to private correctional facilities.
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Sentence Length The duration of time actually spent in prison is an important question in considering whether the facility is the appropriate place to count prisoners. Table 3-4 details the mean and median sentences imposed on new state prisoners in 1993 and 2002.
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cite the analysis by Mumola (2000) , who estimated that 55 percent of state prisoners and 63 percent of federal prisoners in 1999 -- 721,500, in total -- were parents of minor children.
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SOURCE: National Corrections Reporting Program, 1993 and 2002; tables posted at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/prisons.htm [1/26/06]
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. Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities, administered by the Census Bureau under contract by BJS.
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All data exclude persons released from prison by escape, death, transfer, appeal, or detainer." SOURCE: National Corrections Reporting Program, 19932002; tables posted at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/prisons.htm [1/26/06]
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Some states require that prisoners be released to the county of sentencing, and state prisoners housed in another state's prison may be obligated to return to their home state for release. After release, parole restrictions may be imposed, requiring that the person stay in a particular county or jurisdiction and governing the conditions under which they may travel (Allard et al., 2004:4)
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The counting of prisoners raises a related question -- should determination of a residence consider whether the choice of residential location is voluntary or not? The treatment of prisoners in the census is frequently compared to the handling of other parts of the broader group quarters population (as it was in the Bethel Park case)
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Similarly, Maine stipulates that prisoners vote as though still at their preincarceration location, but adds an element of intent: "a person incarcerated in a correctional facility may apply to register to vote in any municipality where that person has previously established a fixed and principal home to which the person intends to return." In late 2005, Congress passed the fiscal 2006 appropriations bill including funds for the Census Bureau; the conference report for the bill directed the Census Bureau "to undertake a study on using prisoners' permanent homes of record, as opposed to their incarceration sites, when determining their residences." The Bureau complied with the appropriators' 90-day deadline and submitted its report (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006b)
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Some states sharply limit the length of time a person may spend in jail -- in many cases, the limit is 1 year -- but others may permit longer sentences to be served in local facilities. As we discuss in the previous section, state departments of corrections may also make use of capacity in county and municipal jails if there are bed shortages in the prison system; local jails may be contracted to hold prisoners for longer terms.
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In the 2000 census, residence rule 20 stipulated that persons "under formally authorized, supervised care or custody" in a "local jail or workhouse" should be counted at the jail, with no provision for specifying a usual home elsewhere. 3D.3 Juvenile Facilities Just as boarding schools and colleges present residential ambiguity challenges because parents may be inclined to preserve family structure when reporting who lives in their households, correctional facilities that specialize in housing juveniles may be troublesome for enumeration.
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operates several survey programs to assess the size and living conditions of the incarcerated juvenile population. Since 1997, OJJDP has contracted with the Census Bureau to conduct the biennial Census of Juveniles in Residential Placement (CJRP)
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. 3E CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE Foster children are those who, for a variety of reasons (including abusive or criminal activity by parents, abandonment, or death of parents)
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. January 2006 statistical reports by the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services showed 11.4 percent of the state's foster children living in institutional/group home settings.33 The ways in which children can transition out of foster care -- including "emancipation" (reaching legal adulthood)
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As Hollmann (1987:279) notes, the "usual residence" principle that "is readily applicable to the vast majority of the population" is less suited to the military because they "are by 34As extreme cases, 12 Texas foster children in fiscal 2000 were found to have gone through at least 40 different foster placements.
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. The 1880 rule stipulated that "all soldiers of the United States Army, and civilian employees, and other residents at posts or on military reservations will be enumerated in the district in which they reside, equally with other elements of the population." The 1890 rule modified the rule to read that the personnel "will be enumerated in the same manner as has been provided for institutions." That rule seemed to tip the decision toward counting military personnel assigned to domestic bases at the base, but the 1900 census instructions reversed that decision: If a soldier, sailor, or marine (officer or enlisted man)
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If a service member reported an off-base household as his or her usual residence, the MCR record could be linked to the census return from the off-base household to ensure that no duplication had taken place.35 This two-form approach suggests one possible source of error in collecting residence information from military personnel and dependents at or near 35The MCRs used in the 1980 and 1990 censuses are unusually direct and specific in asking the question about another residence. Question 2b of the 1990 MCR form asks, "What is the address where you usually stay at least 4 nights a week?
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was normal and expected. Instructions on the 1990 MCR advised that: Military personnel living away from this installation, but within the cen sus area, also will receive a census form at home.
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. One state -- Kansas -- disagrees with the Bureau's default placement of military personnel as well as college students and fields its own survey in order to adjust census totals so that military personnel stationed in Kansas but whose home of record is elsewhere are excluded from the counts used to redraw legislative districts (we discuss this further in Section 7E)
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. are not to be enumerated in your district," but rather at their land homes or at "the place where they have been engaged, shipped, or hired." The presumption that sailors were to be counted at their land homes was sharpened further in 1870, with the instruction that "seafaring men are to be reported at their land homes, no matter how long they may have been absent, if they are supposed to be still alive." This latter wording was directly repeated in the instructions for several subsequent censuses, the 1890 instructions being the first to specifically acknowledge that military sailors and marines, as well as navy yard personnel, would be counted by special enumerators.38 As it did for counting the domestic military population, the 1950 census marked the arrival of a revised approach for counting naval personnel and the seaborne population generally.
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Crews of merchant vessels were not allowed to report usual residences on land: they were counted at the U.S. port at which they were berthed on Census Day, at their port of destination if their vessel was not berthed but
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relates: For the 2000 census, the Census Bureau worked with the U.S. Depart ment of Defense and U.S.
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