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2 Dimensions of Desistance
Pages 19-31

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From page 19...
... In a similar vein, if criminal acts cease, but other problem behaviors (such as alcoholism or other drug use) persist or increase, what does it mean about the nature of desistance?
From page 20...
... Moreover, the findings on desistance from crime as a result of informal social controls come from longitudinal research, not program evaluation research. Empirical work is needed to examine how different definitions of desistance, as well as different research approaches, affect research outcomes.
From page 21...
... They find marriage reduces offending for males, especially for those men with a low propensity to marry. They find that marriage reduces offending for females, but only for those with a moderate propensity to marry.
From page 22...
... adopted a counterfactual life-course approach using yearly data from a sample of a group of 500 high-risk boys followed prospectively from adolescence to age 32 and a subsample of 52 men followed to age 70. The researchers found that being married is associated with an average reduction of approximately 35 percent in the odds of a criminal act for the married men in comparison with the nonmarried men (see also King et al., 2007)
From page 23...
... The study focuses on evaluation of community-level approaches to encourage changes in norms that increase support for healthy marriages. In 2006, with funds provided under the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005, an estimated $4 million, was made available for responsible fatherhood, marriage, and family strengthening grants for incarcerated fathers and their partners.
From page 24...
... By specifying event history models accounting for assignment to, eligibility for, and participation in the National Supported Work Demonstration Project, this study provides more refined estimates of the effects of work as a turning point in the lives of offenders. Unfortunately, data for this study were collected from 1975-1979.
From page 25...
... Program components aimed at improving informal social controls and providing social support may reduce such criminal behavior, thus reducing the need for future incarceration or surveillance of releasees (see Laub
From page 26...
... In a paper presented at the workshop, Taxman (2006) notes that recent literature in the field has highlighted the way that natural support systems and informal social controls can augment and enhance the formal social controls imposed by correctional agencies.
From page 27...
... found that education decreases arrest and incarceration, based on prisoner, arrest, and self-report data. Other factors for which there is little or mixed evidence include residential change, religion, criminal justice sanctions, criminal justice supervision (probation and parole)
From page 28...
... What is most important from this perspective is that the goal of desistance programs is not necessarily zero offending, but less offending and less serious offending. Less crime does not mean no crime: it is important for policy makers and program administrators to have realistic goals and to have forms of punishments and rewards available that will support those realistic goals.
From page 29...
... do not exhaust the social costs of crime and thus the benefits of crime control. Victims also experience pain and suffering, and even persons not yet victimized incur costs to avoid crime (e.g., by staying indoors or by moving)
From page 30...
... has argued that the threat of sanctions would be most ineffective on the two extremes of the offending spectrum, that is, those who either have extremely high self-control and those with very low self-control. Moreover, even for appropriate programs, poor program implementation is often a barrier to both program effectiveness and to program evaluation.
From page 31...
... As noted in Chapter 1, inmates released from their first prison sentence have lower recidivism rates than those released from prison for the second, third, or fourth time. A recent study found that prisoners released for the first time accumulated 18-25 percent fewer arrests during the first 3 years out of prison than those who had been to prison and released at least once before -- controlling for sex, age, race, imprisonment offense, prior arrests, and time served (Rosenfeld et al., 2005)


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