Student Mobility Exploring the Impacts of Frequent Moves on Achievement: Summary of a Workshop (2010) / Chapter Skim
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1 Introduction
1 Introduction
Pages 1-8
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Policy makers and educators have long worried about the negative consequences of residential and school mobility but have lacked a clear and detailed picture of their effects. Collecting information about the hard-to-reach population of mobile children and families presents methodological challenges, and it has been unclear how the effects of mobility
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Casey Foundation, held a workshop in June 2009 to examine issues related to mobility and to highlight the principal themes in the available research.1 The goal for the workshop was to "review research on the patterns of change and mobility in the lives of young children (ages 3 to 8 years) and to examine the implications of this work for the design of child care, early childhood and elementary educational programs, and community services for neighborhoods and vulnerable populations that experience high rates of mobility." The workshop focused primarily on young chil dren.
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RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY Residential mobility rates in the United States are high compared with those of other industrialized nations (Reynolds, Chen, and Herbers, 2009a) , but definitions and measures of mobility are not consistent, and there is no single source for data on the numbers of young children who experience high rates of mobility.
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. SCHOOL MOBILITY Measuring residential mobility may be somewhat easier than measuring school mobility, as discussed in Chapter 2, but it is likely that signifi cant numbers of the children whose families move because of housing pressure and other economic stresses are compelled to change schools.
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Data collected by the National Assessment of Educational Progress show that, in 1998, 34 percent of fourth graders, 21 percent of eighth graders, and 10 percent of twelfth graders had changed schools at least once in the previous two years. These percentages do not indicate the extent to which these moves independently contributed to academic disruptions or other difficulties for children, although they do suggest the importance of understanding how such moves may influence educational outcomes or the effectiveness of the resources and services designed to support families.
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They rapidly increase their motor, social, and language skills and develop increased executive function skills, which allow them to direct their attention, control their impulses, wait their turn, and so forth. During these years, children are expected to reach progressive milestones, such as forming attachment bonds with caregivers and obeying simple commands, and, as they move into school, getting along with teachers and peers, learning to read, and meeting other expectations.
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These factors include nutrition and health care, positive preschool experience, stable connections with high-quality teachers, instructional continuity, opportunities to develop mastery, and, for older children, friendships with prosocial peers. Translating these factors into strategies to prevent problems for highly mobile children, she suggested: • educing risk and stress -- preventing homelessness and housing R loss, reducing student and teacher turnover, teaching stress man agement skills, and providing crisis services, such as transition planning.
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A central question is whether mobility independently contributes to negative outcomes for certain groups of children and, if so, whether there are strategies that can reduce the negative effects. But as Cindy Guy noted in her opening remarks, mobility is a moving target; patterns may change over time and moves may have different effects in different circumstances.
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