Research Opportunities Concerning the Causes and Consequences of Child Food Insecurity and Hunger Workshop Summary (2013) / Chapter Skim
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5 Individual and Family Coping Responses to Hunger
5 Individual and Family Coping Responses to Hunger
Pages 43-61
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Food and Nutrition Service (FNS) , presented the SNAP Food Security In-Depth Interview Study (Edin et al., 2013)
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First, she said, it is tempting for professionals and researchers to think of parents who may be experiencing food insecurity as wellmeaning, deserving, and dedicated to looking after their children. These are the parents who report on a survey that their children are very low food secure.
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However, researchers should not be afraid to discuss drug addiction, violence, and some negative environments in which children live. Witnesses to Hunger started in 2008 and has administered the Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM)
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Depression and anxiety can exacerbate problems with parenting behaviors and with child development. Chilton showed another photograph taken by a participant in Witnesses to Hunger of a very dilapidated and messy kitchen without running water or electricity in the house of a family experiencing very low food security.
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For a very low-income family, a child's illness can unleash particular coping mechanisms that can place the family at much greater risk than simply losing a day of work. Emerging Knowledge Food insecurity is related to inconsistent or volatile income, violence in the family and in the community, and toxic stress, a topic of emerging research in child development.
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Shadow jobs might not only include businesses on the side doing hair and nails, childcare, and housekeeping, but also selling Food Stamps, doing sex work, selling drugs or being involved in the drug trade, relying on others who are in the drug trade, misreporting income, or stealing. She said a lot of underreporting of food insecurity occurs in surveys because of stacked questions that might be considered a probe about whether a family is using SNAP benefits to buy toiletries and supplies for the house.
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Chilton mentioned her new mixed-methods research (documented in Chilton et al., 2013a) on very low food security at the household level and its relationship to severe violence.
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So I took this photograph of the empty cart to show you what that experience is like for me." Chilton said that losing SNAP benefits, whether because of minor increases in income or administrative errors, can be harmful to the food security of children and families (Edin et al., 2013:23; Frank and C-SNAP Study Group, 2006; Gayman et al., 2010)
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The topics included financial situations, use of SNAP, overall food security, eating behaviors, nutritional attitudes, shopping behaviors, triggers of food hardship, and ongoing food strategies. Respondents were also asked about situations in which SNAP affected their overall food security.
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The most common proactive strategies observed were restricting food intake; altering types of food consumed; turning to networks; visiting food pantries; and shopping modifications, such as scouring the ads for sales, traveling from store to store on multiple occasions, and planning meals exclusively around types of foods that were on sale. There were noted differences in coping strategies across food security levels.
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Whether this is a planning issue is irrelevant because they did not have enough food. As Zapolsky explained, the one underlying factor that differed most among the different food security levels was that of access to family and social networks.
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participation in food and assistance programs with a focus on the issue of nonparticipation. While the workshop focused on the issue of childhood hunger and food insecurity, households that report childhood hunger are also likely to be in dire financial straits and are facing shortages of other essential needs, she noted.
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Adults cut back in order to shield their children. Given that food-insecure households are likely to be experiencing other forms of material hardship, Heflin described the need for a nationally representative dataset that contains measures of food security as well as other forms of material hardship.
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on food and family budgets, saying that data on family expenditures and resources that could be related to all forms of maternal hardship would help researchers understand how families are prioritizing. Nonparticipation Heflin stated that participation in federal food assistance programs is often the main way for food-insecure households to cope, and nonparticipation rates among eligible households vary by program.
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States are modernizing, and Heflin suggested that FNS and the research community take a close look at the application process to determine what the drive to efficiency is doing to program accessibility. Finally, she stressed the importance of considering how cultural factors and stigma might be influencing participation rates.
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He asked about work on positive deviance to try to understand how food-secure households living under similar conditions of poverty cope with the condition in a more positive way. Chilton noted Heflin's reference to participation in public assistance programs as a coping mechanism, saying she does not view participation as a negative.
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In the O first years of the measure, Oregon had the highest rate of what is now called very low food security. Governor Ted Kulongoski (2003–2011)
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(2010) looked at reports of increased income, subsequent loss of TANF benefits, and the association with child hunger.
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The words that resonate with her in this workshop session, she commented, related to violence, drugs, and alcohol and asked how the food security research community can address these issues. Though they may be root causes of food insecurity, some of these issues seem to be beyond the scope of food insecurity researchers.
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