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Pages 111-147

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From page 111...
... We will then examine in Chapter 4 how spatially concentrated patterns of crime combine with an accumulation of racial disparities throughout the stages of the system from arrest to sentencing to incarceration.
From page 112...
... 112 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE CHAPTER 2 APPENDIX FIGURES Black Other Hispanic Unknown -.2 -.1 0 .1 .2 .3 Difference in reporting relative to incidents with White offenders Serious Violent Rape Robbery Aggravated Assault FIGURE 2A-1  Difference in the proportion of serious violent incidents reported to the police by the race/ethnicity of the offender relative to incidents involving White offenders: all offenses 2012 through 2019 for all serious and specific offense types. SOURCE: Tabulations from multiple years of the National Crime Victimization Survey, https://bjs.ojp.gov/data-collection/ncvs
From page 113...
... RACIAL DISPARITIES IN VICTIMIZATION, OFFENDING, AND INVOLVEMENT 113 Black Other Hispanic Unknown -.1 -.05 0 .05 .1 .15 Difference in reporting relative to incidents with White offenders No Controls Controls for Victim Race/Ethnicity Controls for Victim Race/Ethnicity and Offense Type FIGURE 2A-2 Difference in the proportion of serious violent incidents reported to the police by the race/ethnicity of the offender relative to incidents involving White offenders: raw difference, adjusting for victim race/ethnicity, and adjusting for offense type. SOURCE: Tabulations from multiple years of the National Crime Victimization Survey, https://bjs.ojp.gov/data-collection/ncvs
From page 114...
... 114 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE FIGURE 2A-3  Proportion of stops for equipment and non-moving violations by agency type, race, and gender, California. SOURCE: Data from Open Justice, California Department of Justice, Racial and Identity Profiling Act, https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/
From page 115...
... RACIAL DISPARITIES IN VICTIMIZATION, OFFENDING, AND INVOLVEMENT 115 FIGURE 2A-4  Incidence of actions taken by officers during traffic stops by agency type, race, and gender, California. SOURCE: Data from Open Justice, California Department of Justice, Racial and Identity Profiling Act, https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/
From page 116...
... 116 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE FIGURE 2A-5  Traffic stop outcomes by agency type, race, and gender, California. SOURCE: Data from Open Justice, California Department of Justice, Racial and Identity Profiling Act, https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/
From page 117...
... Sadly, the concentration of violence in African American and other non-White urban communities is not new. While rates of violence declined dramatically over the last quarter century (Baumer et al., 2018; Zimring, 2006)
From page 118...
... Accordingly, this chapter highlights the historical and contemporary social pathways through which structural racism leads to both crime and criminal justice involvement, with a focus on the role of violence as a key ingredient of racial inequality and its persistence over time. Through this social-pathway view, it is possible to see how racial inequalities in violence 1 According to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data from the National Vital Statistics System, 23,210 young Black men (age 44 or younger)
From page 119...
... In an important and under-appreciated sense, non-criminal justice factors drive criminal justice outcomes. HISTORICAL LEGACIES At the turn of the 19th century, W.E.B.
From page 120...
... In earlier eras, White ethnic groups (native as well as foreign born) were highly involved in crime and criminal justice contacts.
From page 121...
... Consistent with the focus of most research on racial inequality and crime, and for reasons of data availability, we focus primarily on Black/White differences. CONTEMPORARY RACIAL INEQUALITIES As with racial disparities in violent crime and criminal justice contact, racial disparities in residential and other social contexts continue to plague the United States.
From page 122...
... Ulmer and Bradley (2019) argue that American Indians often face a unique criminal justice system that has often been ignored by criminologists.
From page 123...
... We caution that tremendous differences in disadvantage by race make it difficult to compare Black and White neighborhoods, which leaves analyses incomplete and, in some cases, makes predictions outside the bounds of everyday experiences. In addition, given that disadvantage is a hypothesized cause of crime and criminal justice contact, scholars have assessed how well it explains relative racial gaps in important outcomes, such as homicide victimization or police killings.
From page 124...
... Racial inequalities in spatial exposure to crime should help explain ethno-racial inequality in crime and crime change. A qualitatively different form of neighborhood inequality is forged when residents visit other neighborhoods throughout a city in their every­day routines, including neighborhoods that are not spatially proximal.
From page 125...
... Hispanic neighborhoods fare a bit better than Black neighborhoods, followed by mixed neighborhoods, but the patterns are similar. These racial differences reveal a previously overlooked dimension of racial inequality that plausibly explains racial disparities in the experience of crime and violence.
From page 126...
... For young men ages 15–34, the rate of gun homicide mortality for Black people is roughly 23 times that of White people: 67 per 100,000 com pared to 2.9 per 100,000 (calculated from CDC-WISQARS tables 2019)
From page 127...
... life expectancy between Black and White men (Harper et al., 2012, 2007) .6 Virtually any way they are analyzed, these data demonstrate that the risk of violent death among Black and White people, at the population level, is practically incommensurable.
From page 128...
... Disrupted family life, poor academic achievement, bad school experiences, and problematic labor market participation have all been linked to higher levels of criminal involvement, including in crimes of violence, and to contacts with the criminal justice system. Concentrated disadvantage and racial segregation also expose residents to physically toxic inequalities, such as in lead exposure and airborne pollution, that have been linked to crime and criminal justice contact (Manduca and Sampson, 2021; Muller et al., 2018)
From page 129...
... Other social mechanisms that have been hypothesized to translate macro disadvantage and racial inequalities into violence are legal cynicism and estrange­ment from the criminal justice system (Bell, 2020b; S­ ampson, 2012; Kirk and Papachristos, 2011; Sampson and Bartusch, 1998) , competition for local political power, municipal resources, and representation (­Vargas, 2016)
From page 130...
... refer to cognitive landscapes and shared expectations about violence in highly disadvantaged communities, but in their view this sort of adapta tion has been a result of cumulative and compounded racial disadvantages and the existential realties of everyday life in communities underserved by the criminal justice system (see also Kirk and Papachristos, 2011; Sampson and Bartusch, 1998)
From page 131...
... examine large metropolitan areas and argue that racial residential segregation is related to higher Black homicide victimization rates but lower risk for White people. They conclude that segregation plays an important role in creating and maintaining the racial gap in victimization.
From page 132...
... Five-year estimates centered on the 2015 American Community Survey yield the following homeownership rates by race and ethnicity: non Latino Black people, 45 percent; Latino people, 46 percent; and non-Latino White people, 74 percent. Compared to the rates implied by 2000 census data, these rates are slightly lower for Black people, slightly higher for White people, and about the same for Latino people.
From page 133...
... Given the vast legacies of racial discrimination in lending and current inequalities, addressing these long-standing inequalities has the potential to reduce racial inequalities in crime and criminal justice. Immigration is another social process that has been hypothesized to have an influence on crime, in this case a protective influence (Ousey and Kubrin, 2018; MacDonald and Sampson, 2012; Sampson, 2012)
From page 134...
... analyzed individual, fam ily, and neighborhood factors to assess competing hypotheses regarding racial/ethnic gaps in perpetrating violence among 2,974 individuals ages eight to 25 living in 180 Chicago neighborhoods. The odds of perpetrating violence were 85 percent higher for Black people than for White people, whereas Latino-perpetrated violence was 10 percent lower.
From page 135...
... Particularly needed is scholarly attention on how racialized inequalities in socioeconomic conditions play out to produce differences in crime. Mechanisms such as collective efficacy, legal cynicism, and the code of the street suggest particularly fruitful lines of study.
From page 136...
... These same disadvantaged contexts also contribute to lethal criminal justice contacts, further compounding inequality. This chapter cautions that racial inequality in both serious crime and criminal justice contact is driven by broader systems that perpetuate racial inequality more generally.
From page 137...
... These same disadvantaged contexts also contribute to racial disparities in criminal justice contacts, further compounding inequality. However, the fact that Black and White populations do not reside in comparably disadvantaged places presents deep methodologi cal challenges to the study of racial inequality and crime.
From page 139...
... Criminal processing is itself shaped by policies governing the deploy ment of police resources, procedures for arrest, prosecutorial procedures for charging and sentencing, and prison and parole administration. The crimi nal justice system does not simply reflect race differences in crime and social conditions; it also contributes to inequality in criminal justice outcomes.
From page 140...
... This chapter examines the evidence for racial disparities in criminal justice monitoring and processing at three key stages: entry into the system, primarily through policing; court processes, including pretrial detention; and post-conviction, including sentencing. Procedures and decision ­making at each stage suggest how disparities at one point are consequential for subsequent phases.
From page 141...
... Criminal history and offense severity are ­legally relevant considerations in sentencing and were found to explain much of the variation in sentence outcomes. Once these case characteristics were considered, evidence of racial discrimination became much weaker, and many concluded that Black overrepresentation in the criminal justice system was chiefly the result of serious criminal involvement within the Black population.
From page 142...
... 1261) goal was to "explore the racial disproportionality of prison populations to discern… the degree to which it is likely to have emerged as a consequence of racial discrimination in the criminal justice system compared to the alternative explanation that the racial disproportionality might have emerged as a consequence of disproportionate involvement in criminal activity." Data from the 1979 prison population showed that the Black share of arrests for murder and attempted murder was then 59 percent, and those ­offenses account for 14 percent of all people in state prison.
From page 143...
... .1 In this context, the criminal law and its administration was used to control and change Indigenous people, not to ensure public safety or address violence or social harm (Ross, 2010)
From page 144...
... High rates of interpersonal violence and victimization in Black communities (see Chapters 2 and 3) , for example, may intensify police suspicion or enforce ment, magnifying racial disparity in criminal justice contact.
From page 145...
... Moreover, because definitions and counts of N ­ ative people vary across juris­dictions and stages of the system, it is difficult to determine the implications of single-stage disparities or to link those disparities to an assessment of cumula­tive disadvantage. We examine racial inequality in the criminal justice system by consid ering each stage of criminal processing, how the stages operate together, and how they operate in poor and highly segregated communities, which account for a disproportionate share of serious crime, arrests, and incar ceration.
From page 146...
... Tribal criminal law and policy are also important, although tribal systems are rarely included in datasets or assessed in studies. Indian tribal governments exercise criminal jurisdiction over Indian defen dants for offenses committed in Indian country, regardless of victim or type of crime (Talton v.
From page 147...
... Tribal governments also rely heavily on Bureau of Indian Affairs formula funding and Department of Justice grant fund ing to run their criminal justice systems because they lack the local tax base that other governments use to generate revenue. Where state criminal policy is the most important site of reform for most groups, for Indigenous people federal law, federal agency policy, and federal funding priorities are important sites of interven tion (e.g., Ulmer and B­ radley, 2018)


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