Reducing Racial Inequality in Crime and Justice Science, Practice, and Policy (2023) / Chapter Skim
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2 Racial Disparities in Victimization, Offending, and Involvement with the Criminal Justice System
2 Racial Disparities in Victimization, Offending, and Involvement with the Criminal Justice System
Pages 45-116
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From page 45... ...
There are also racial/ethnic disparities in offending rates and arrest rates, with arrests for serious felonies higher among African Americans and to a lesser extent Hispanic people as compared to White people. Explanations for observed disparities in victimization, criminal offending, and criminal justice involvement often focus on sources of structural socioeconomic inequality, including differences in neighborhood conditions, 45
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From page 46... ...
The figure presents separate distributions for members of different racial/ethnic groups, ordered from groups with the highest average neighborhood poverty rates to those with the lowest average rates. It reveals large differences experienced by different racial and ethnic groups, with concentrated poverty particularly high in areas where African Americans, American Indian people, and Hispanic people disproportionately reside.
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From page 47... ...
For example, if police agencies report crime rates separately by race and by gender, but not also by race and gender combined, it is difficult to track offending by and victimization against women of color dis aggregated from those rates for men in the same racial group or for women overall. Similarly, detailed data are routinely reported for certain decision
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From page 48... ...
This is due to both researcher focus and data availability. American Indians and Pacific Islanders, in particular, are often left out of reported data even though the little available information suggests they face significant disparities in violent victimization, police encounters, and incarceration.
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From page 49... ...
First, we present data on property crimes and nonlethal violent crimes, and then we discuss homicide victimization. In doing so, we find clear racial disparities in victimization rates: American Indians and African Americans are the most likely to be victimized by serious violent offenses, followed by Hispanic people and last of all by non-Hispanic White and Asian people.
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From page 50... ...
SOURCE: Figures are tabulated from the concatenated National Crime Victimization Survey files, https://doi.org/10.3886/ICPSR38136.v1 rape, robbery, and aggravated assault. American Indians and those classified as multi-racial experience by far the highest victimization rates for these offenses, with American Indian women having a uniquely high rate of sexual victimization.
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From page 51... ...
White and Asian people face the lowest risk of death from homicide, and for these groups the ratio of male-to-female homicide victimization rates is never more than 3:1 from 1990 forward. However, among Black people, Native Americans, and Hispanic people the rates of homicide victimization are higher, and the ratio of male-to-female rates is always above three; among Black people this ratio is roughly 5:1 or greater in every year.
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From page 52... ...
52 FIGURE 2-2 Rate of homicide offenses by population, 1990–2020. SOURCE: Data from Federal Bureau of Investigation, Crime Data Explorer, https://crime-data-explorer.app.cloud.gov/pages/ explorer/crime/crime-trend
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From page 53... ...
What this means is that in a single year, 14 years of declines in the Black/White gap in homicide victimization rates among men were reversed. The most recent data on homicide victimization demonstrate two facts concerning the recent increase in homicide rates: (1)
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From page 54... ...
While homicide levels vary considerably across states, we observe similar inter-group disparities within state and year as well as similar relative patterns of increase between 2019 and 2020. Within year and state, homicide victimization rates for males are multiple times those for females, TABLE 2-4 Homicides per 100,000 by Race, Gender, and Hispanic Origin, 2019 and 2020 for Select States Panel A: Non-Hispanic Black Male Female 2019 2020 2019 2020 California 35.0 48.8 4.5 7.2 Florida 37.4 43.6 5.0 6.2 Illinois 69.8 104.3 8.4 11.2 New York 20.5 34.6 2.7 4.0 Texas 32.5 42.2 5.0 7.1 Panel B: Non-Hispanic White Male Female 2019 2020 2019 2020 California 3.4 4.5 1.5 1.5 Florida 4.4 4.6 2.1 2.4 Illinois 2.7 2.5 1.5 1.0 New York 1.2 1.8 1.0 0.7 Texas 4.8 6.0 2.0 2.9 Panel C: Hispanic Male Female 2019 2020 2019 2020 California 9.1 12.2 1.5 1.8 Florida 6.0 7.0 2.4 2.0 Illinois 8.9 15.1 - New York 5.6 8.6 1.6 1.6 Texas 8.2 10.3 2.0 2.4 NOTE: Homicide rates are not reported for Hispanic women in Illinois by CDC due to small number of cases and lack of reliability.
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From page 55... ...
Between 2019 and 2020 very large increases occurred in homicide victimization rates that were concentrated among African Americans, with especially large increases among Black males. Murder rates are much higher in cities than in rural areas, and both Black and Hispanic citizens are overrepresented in urban centers relative to rural areas.
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From page 56... ...
Racial disparities in murder rates have grown since 2010, including during the periods when overall homicide rates rose sharply, from 2014 to 2016 and again from 2019 to the present. DIFFERENCES IN ARRESTS AND CRIMINAL OFFENDING Arrest rates are consistently higher among African Americans than among other racial and ethnic groups.
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, we tabulate that the numbers of arrests per 100,000 for drunkenness or disorderly conduct (both non-index offenses) stand at 669.7 for American Indians, 218.5 for African Americans, and 118.7 for White people.
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demonstrates that African Americans are overrepresented among people arrested for serious nonfatal violent offenses, comprising 12.5 percent of the resident population and 36.1 percent of arrests for nonfatal felony person offenses (33% if simple assaults are included)
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From page 59... ...
For adults, non-index offenses are clearly the most numerous, followed by arrests for property offenses and violent offenses. Disparities in arrest rates between African Americans and all other groups are largest during the late 1980s and early 1990s but have narrowed over the past three decades.
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From page 60... ...
African Americans are overrepresented among offenders for serious vio lent offenses, constituting 25.2 percent of all such serious offenses, while African A mericans made up just 12.2 percent of survey respondents. White people are underrepresented as perceived by violent crime victims, while Hispanic people are roughly represented in proportion to their representa tion among the general population.
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From page 61... ...
= 62.25 White victims of Black offenders for every 8.3 Black victims of White offenders -- that is, about 7.5 times as many. Given that the Black population is about one-fifth the size of the White population, these results imply that Black people are roughly 35 times more likely to commit violent offenses against TABLE 2-6 Distribution of Criminal Offenses across Offender Race/ Ethnicity by Race/Ethnicity of the Victim and Offense Type, 2012 through 2019 All Serious Violent Offenses Victim Race/Ethnicity Offender race/ More than ethnicity White Black Am.
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From page 62... ...
They a rgue that White people possess stereotypical beliefs that cause them to view Black people as more dangerous than they are. Furthermore, they argue that these fears make White victims less likely to resist Black robbers.
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From page 63... ...
These large differences between relative arrest rates and relative victimization rates create a puzzle for those who view violent offenses as predominately intra-racial acts, but the fact that White people commit 63 percent of all violent crimes against American Indian people may help us understand these patterns. American Indian arrest rates for violent crimes may be low relative to their violent victimization rates because American Indian people are often the victims of White offenders.
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From page 64... ...
Rates of homicide by Black offenders against White victims are greater than the rates of homicide by White offenders against Black victims, but the ratio of these rates is much smaller than the comparable ratio for all violent offenses. Our comparisons of inter-group differences in arrest rates to patterns from victimization surveys and homicide incident reports suggest that the relatively high arrest rates in Black communities may reflect relatively high offending rates.
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From page 65... ...
In sum, African Americans are overrepresented among offenders for serious violent offenses; White people are underrepresented as perceived by violent crime victims; and Hispanic people are roughly represented in pro portion to their representation among the general population. Inter-group differences in arrest rates to victimization rates suggest that the relatively high arrest rates in Black communities may reflect relatively high offending rates.
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From page 66... ...
The arrest rates for African Americans remain quite high relative to other groups, and homicide victimization rates among African American men are likely more than 10 times the rates among White men and rising. These patterns raise two concerns about interactions between police and Black communities: (1)
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From page 67... ...
) to stops rates for African Americans that are nearly three to four times those for White people (e.g., in St.
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From page 68... ...
Figure 2-6 presents similar comparisons for 22 state police agencies. The patterns are similar: state police tend to stop African Americans at higher rates relative to White people and stop Hispanic residents at relatively low rates.
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From page 69... ...
data include all traffic stops made by the California Highway Patrol, the Los Angeles Police Department, the San Diego Police Department, the Oakland Police Department, the Sacramento Police Department, the Long Beach Police Department, the Fresno Police Department, the San Francisco Police Department, and the San Jose Police Department, as well as county sheriff departments for the counties of Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Sacramento, and San Diego. 12 Similar to the patterns observed in the Stanford Open Policing Project data, RIPA data for California reveal that the proportion of stops that involve African Americans is roughly 2.5 times the African American population share.
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From page 70... ...
These data reveal a number of important patterns. Traffic stops for non-moving violations are highest for African Americans, both for California Highway Patrol stops as well as stops made by local agencies.
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The principal outcome test explored in a larger research literature compares the contraband discovery rates of searches for Black and Hispanic people to the rates for White people. The logic behind this comparison is the following.
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For African Americans, firearm discovery rates are generally higher than the discovery rates for White people, though for most agencies these rates fall in the oneto-three percent of searches range. Firearm discovery rates also tend to be higher among Hispanic people who are stopped compared to White people, but here the difference is less pronounced.
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From page 73... ...
SOURCE: Data from Open Justice, California Department of Justice, Racial and Identity Profiling Act database, https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/
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From page 74... ...
This would be the case if the distribution of Black and White people across risk tranches were such that African Americans were more concentrated in higher risk categories beyond the reasonable suspi cion thresholds used by officers.14 Beyond this methodological contention, the hit-rate test is based on a behavioral model of policing that assumes that officers are attempting to maximize contraband discoveries by making group-based probabilistic assessments of the likelihood that someone is carrying. If this is indeed true, behavior aimed at maximizing discovery rates for a fixed number of searches may be unconstitutional, to the extent that Black individuals would otherwise not be searched if they were White.
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From page 75... ...
In their analysis of these 2018 data, Harrell and Davis (2020) estimate that while two percent of non-Hispanic White people experience either a threat of force or a less lethal use of force, for minorities the comparable figures are 5.34 percent of Black people, 4.8 percent of Hispanic people, and 1.9 percent of people in an "other" category.
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From page 76... ...
Weisburst's use-of-force definition involves more than simply detaining or handcuffing. She restricts attention to "pushing, grabbing, joint locks, takedowns, and taser use." If officers always arrest any person that they plan to document using this type of force against, possibly as a way of justifying their decisions to use such force, the patterns Weisburst documents do not constitute evidence against the hypothesis that officers are more likely to use nonlethal force against Black defendants, holding constant the nature of their encounters.
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From page 77... ...
combined with data on police shootings in Houston, Fryer finds relatively lower likelihoods that such incidents involving Black and H ispanic people result in an officer-involved shooting relative to incidents involving White people. Based on these findings, Fryer concludes that there is evidence of disparate use of less lethal force but no evidence of disparate use of lethal force.
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From page 78... ...
While Fryer's original analysis finds substantial evidence of discriminatory use of less lethal force, the adjusted estimates presented in Knox and colleagues suggest substantially larger disparities. There is at least one study that suggests that bias may be in part responsible for the relatively high relative rate at which Black people are shot by the police that avoids the selection bias issue.
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From page 79... ...
Further, there are large differences in the rates of fatal police shootings in the West versus the Northeast within every race category. Note that these regional differences are so large that the rate of fatal police shootings among Black people in the Northeast is only four percent greater than the rate of fatal police shootings among White people in the West.
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From page 80... ...
Hispanic people are equally or less likely than White people to be shot and killed by police in the Northeast, Midwest, and South, and are most likely to be fatally shot by police in the West. This result holds whether we measure risk in levels, relative to the comparable risk for White people, or relative to the comparable risk for Black people.
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From page 81... ...
. Across n umerous studies, for example, African Americans report being treated less fairly and respectfully in their contacts with the police than White people (Peffley and Hurwitz, 2010; Tyler and Huo, 2002)
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From page 82... ...
Data on clearance rates provide one benchmark for police performance. It is well known that murders involving White victims are considerably more likely to be cleared by arrest or by exceptional means17 relative to murders involving Black victims (Fagan and Geller, 2018)
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From page 83... ...
Some advocates and researchers argue that crime rates are higher in African American communities than official data indicate because African Americans are reluctant to report crimes to the police. Further, some argue that clearance rates are low in African American communities because local residents refuse to cooperate with police.
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For all violent offenses, 66 percent of African American victims report the crime to the police compared to 56 percent of Hispanic victims, 52 percent of White victims, and 49 percent of American Indian victims. Hence, minority victims of serious violent offenses are generally as likely if not more likely to report the incidents to police.
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From page 85... ...
SOURCE: Figures tabulated from the concatenated National Crime Victimization Survey files, https://doi.org/10.3886/ICPSR38136.v1 racial differences in clearance rates, we must remember that clearance rates are incidents cleared divided by incidents reported. The low clearance rates we observe in minority communities are low rates of clearing crimes that someone, who was likely a member of the victim's community, reported to police.
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From page 86... ...
In 2011, the department conducted an extensive assessment of its homicide investigations with the aim of generating and implementing a set of recommendations that would increase department-level homicide clearance rates, which were far b elow the national average. Braga and Dusseault (2018)
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From page 87... ...
Between 2005 and 2019, per-capita jail populations for Black people averaged well over three times the rates for both White and Hispanic people.20 Further, a growing literature attributes part of this racial disparity in jail populations to the common practice of requiring defendants to post cash bail in order to be released from jail between their preliminary hearings and the resolution of their cases. A growing body of research indicates that the existing Black jail population would be significantly smaller in absolute and relative terms if the pretrial detention decisions generated by courts reflected only the relative risks that defendants will fail to appear in court or commit a new crime while waiting for their court dates.
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From page 88... ...
Nonetheless, the authors provide compelling evidence that some judges release many risky defendants. Failure-to-appear rates and crime rates are high among defendants whom judges release even though the authors' 22 Seehttps://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/pie2020.html 23 Forexample, Cook County, IL, has been reforming its pretrial detention rules for several years.
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From page 89... ...
The findings from this study suggest that policy reforms that scale back the severity of punishment for criminal history and active criminal justice status for less serious felony offenses may help narrow racial inequalities in criminal court dispositions. Efforts to reduce the impact of racial inequalities in incarceration in other states should consider reforms that reduce the weight that criminal history, pretrial detention, and active probation status have on criminal defendants' eligibility for prison for less serious drug and property offenses (Jordan et al., 2022)
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From page 90... ...
However, Jordan also concludes that banning plea bargains and forcing all cases to be resolved through bench trials would likely harm Black defendants. Plea deals are a form of insurance, and Black defendants in Cook County often face initial charges that result in significant prison time if they are found guilty at trial.
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From page 91... ...
; more severe for defendants with a criminal history; laden with enhancements for factors such as using a firearm, being affiliated with a gang, or crossing a quantity threshold for controlled substances; and more subject to binding constraints associated with various mandatory minimum sentences. Rates of incarceration grew for all groups during the late 1970s and 1980s as prison time became more likely given arrest for a broad range of offenses, and this shift in policy had a clear disparate impact on African Americans, who are arrested at higher rates than other groups.
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From page 92... ...
The one group for whom we see a trend in the opposite direction is A merican Indian people. For American Indian people we see a widening in both absolute and relative incarceration rates relative to White people, with 24 We tabulated incarceration rates, combining incarceration totals from the National Prison Statistics database for each year with population estimates of race interacted with ethnicity tabulation and publicly posted by the CDC.
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From page 93... ...
Prison populations tend to be older relative to the composition of arrests, given that many in prison are serving long terms for offenses committed at a relatively young age. While these patterns exist within racial groups, the gender and educational disparities are largest among African Americans, with less educated Black men experiencing the highest incarceration rates in the country.
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From page 94... ...
More than 40 percent of the almost 2,500 people facing an execution sentence are Black; and both White and Hispanic persons are under represented. These ratios suggest racial bias in the application of the death penalty, but as we note above, arrest rates for violent crime are much higher among Black people than other racial groups, and no data exist on aggregate counts of arrests for offenses that are death penalty "eligible." However, a significant research literature addresses the question of racial bias using more granular data.
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From page 95... ...
Using regression models that control for case characteristics, they conclude that Furman v. Georgia reduced but did not eliminate disproportionate use of the death penalty as a sentence for Black defendants, and evidence for this disparity is quite robust in cases involving White victims.
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From page 96... ...
. Still, the absolute reduction in rates has been favorable to Black men and women because they have a relatively high probation rate compared to White people.
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From page 97... ...
Figure 2-13 presents long-term trends for California's overall violent and property crime rates. Similar to national trends, California's violent crime rate peaks in the early 1990s before declining to current historical lows.
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From page 98... ...
Overall Violent Crime Rate 1200 1000 Crimes per 100,000 800 600 400 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 Year B Overall Property Crime Rate 4000 5000 6000 7000 Crimes per 100,000 2000 3000 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 Year FIGURE 2-13 Long-term violent and property crime trends in California, 1970–2020.
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From page 99... ...
The act generated an immedi ate reduction in weekly prison admissions from roughly 2,100 per week to 600 per week and a steady, permanent decline in the prison population of over 20 percent. While this decrease was partially offset by an increase in jail populations, the overall incarcerated population in California (combined prison and jail)
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From page 100... ...
Regarding the effects of the 2011 realignment reform, Lofstrom and Raphael (2016) find no impact of the large discrete reduction in the state's prison population on violent crime and modest short-lived effects on property crime.
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From page 101... ...
present an analysis of California arrest rates before and after the passage of Proposition 47. They demonstrate a sharp decline in felony drug arrest rates for African American, White, and Hispanic people, with the larger decline for African Americans narrowing the disparity relative to White people.
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From page 102... ...
102 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE TABLE 2-12 Proportion Institutionalized for California Men, 18 to 55 Years of Age, by Race/Ethnicity, Age, and Educational Attainment, 2011, 2014, 2017 Panel A: White Men 2011 2014 2017 All 0.015 0.013 0.012 18–25 0.013 0.008 0.006 26–30 0.017 0.013 0.015 31–40 0.016 0.015 0.014 41–55 0.015 0.014 0.012 Less than HS 0.086 0.071 0.070 HS grad 0.023 0.022 0.020 Some college 0.011 0.011 0.011 College + 0.001 0.001 0.001 Panel B: African American Men 2011 2014 2017 All 0.093 0.078 0.065 18–25 0.076 0.056 0.050 26–30 0.094 0.089 0.072 31–40 0.106 0.089 0.075 41–55 0.097 0.082 0.064 Less than HS 0.337 0.285 0.295 HS grad 0.109 0.093 0.075 Some college 0.054 0.040 0.038 College + 0.007 0.008 0.005
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From page 103... ...
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN VICTIMIZATION, OFFENDING, AND INVOLVEMENT 103 TABLE 2-12 Continued Panel C: Hispanic Men 2011 2014 2017 All 0.024 0.022 0.022 18–25 0.023 0.020 0.019 26–30 0.028 0.023 0.027 31–40 0.026 0.028 0.028 41–55 0.019 0.019 0.016 Less than HS 0.036 0.035 0.041 HS grad 0.024 0.023 0.022 Some college 0.011 0.011 0.010 College + 0.003 0.003 0.002 Panel D: Asian Men 2011 2014 2017 All 0.005 0.006 0.005 18–25 0.006 0.002 0.002 26–30 0.007 0.008 0.003 31–40 0.005 0.009 0.008 41–55 0.004 0.005 0.004 Less than HS 0.021 0.034 0.039 HS grad 0.012 0.010 0.010 Some college 0.004 0.005 0.003 College + 0.001 0.001 0.000 SOURCE: Data from Table 7 in Lofstrom and colleagues (2020)
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From page 104... ...
104 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE TABLE 2-13 Proportion Institutionalized among California Women, 18 to 55 Years of Age, by Race/Ethnicity, Age, and Educational Attainment, 2011, 2014, 2017 Panel A: White Women 2011 2014 2017 All 0.002 0.002 0.002 18–25 0.002 0.002 0.001 26–30 0.003 0.002 0.001 31–40 0.003 0.002 0.002 41–55 0.003 0.002 0.003 Less than HS 0.026 0.012 0.017 HS grad 0.004 0.002 0.004 Some college 0.003 0.003 0.002 College + 0.000 0.000 0.000 Panel B: African American Women 2011 2014 2017 All 0.010 0.008 0.007 18–25 0.009 0.004 0.002 26–30 0.009 0.008 0.012 31–40 0.013 0.011 0.010 41–55 0.010 0.008 0.004 Less than HS 0.048 0.050 0.043 HS grad 0.012 0.008 0.006 Some college 0.007 0.005 0.006 College + 0.002 0.000 0.000
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From page 105... ...
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN VICTIMIZATION, OFFENDING, AND INVOLVEMENT 105 TABLE 2-13 Continued Panel C: Hispanic Women 2011 2014 2017 All 0.002 0.002 0.002 18–25 0.002 0.002 0.002 26–30 0.004 0.003 0.003 31–40 0.003 0.002 0.003 41–55 0.002 0.002 0.002 Less than HS 0.005 0.003 0.004 HS grad 0.002 0.002 0.002 Some college 0.001 0.001 0.002 College + 0.000 0.001 0.001 Panel D: Asian Women 2011 2014 2017 All 0.001 0.001 0.001 18–25 0.001 0.000 0.001 26–30 0.001 0.001 0.000 31–40 0.001 0.001 0.001 41–55 0.001 0.001 0.000 Less than HS 0.002 0.007 0.003 HS grad 0.002 0.001 0.001 Some college 0.001 0.001 0.001 College + 0.001 0.000 0.000 SOURCE: Data from Table 8 in Lofstrom and colleagues (2020)
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From page 106... ...
SYNTHESIZING THE EVIDENCE This chapter has broadly documented what is known about racial and ethnic disparities in victimization, offending, and criminal justice
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From page 107... ...
CONCLUSION 2-1: There are clear racial disparities in victimization rates. American Indians and African Americans are the most likely to be victimized by serious violent offenses, followed by Hispanic, non Hispanic White, and Asian people.
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From page 108... ...
CONCLUSION 2-6: The higher rate at which police shoot Black persons does not necessarily imply that, holding the conditions of citizen encounters constant, police are more likely to shoot Black people. Black individuals are much more likely to be arrested for violent crimes and also more likely to shoot police, although this is a relatively rare event.
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From page 109... ...
While absolute and relative race disparities have declined for Black Americans, there are still large racial disparities in prison incarceration rates. CONCLUSION 2-11: Black people are heavily overrepresented among people currently condemned to die for their conviction offense.
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From page 110... ...
While relatively good data exist on Black Americans' and White Americans' interactions with the criminal justice system, crime, and victimization, data on Latino and Native American populations are often lacking. Although the disparities in crime and criminal justice contact paint a picture of significant racial inequality, the data also indicate substantial improvement in some areas over the last two decades.
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From page 111... ...
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN VICTIMIZATION, OFFENDING, AND INVOLVEMENT 111 concentrate in racially segregated and low-income neighborhoods. These neighborhoods often form the context for the high levels of victimization and disproportionate criminal justice contact reported in this chapter.
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From page 112... ...
112 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE CHAPTER 2 APPENDIX FIGURES Black Other Hispanic Unknown -.2 -.1 0 .1 .2 .3 Difference in reporting relative to incidents with White offenders Serious Violent Rape Robbery Aggravated Assault FIGURE 2A-1 Difference in the proportion of serious violent incidents reported to the police by the race/ethnicity of the offender relative to incidents involving White offenders: all offenses 2012 through 2019 for all serious and specific offense types. SOURCE: Tabulations from multiple years of the National Crime Victimization Survey, https://bjs.ojp.gov/data-collection/ncvs
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From page 113... ...
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN VICTIMIZATION, OFFENDING, AND INVOLVEMENT 113 Black Other Hispanic Unknown -.1 -.05 0 .05 .1 .15 Difference in reporting relative to incidents with White offenders No Controls Controls for Victim Race/Ethnicity Controls for Victim Race/Ethnicity and Offense Type FIGURE 2A-2 Difference in the proportion of serious violent incidents reported to the police by the race/ethnicity of the offender relative to incidents involving White offenders: raw difference, adjusting for victim race/ethnicity, and adjusting for offense type. SOURCE: Tabulations from multiple years of the National Crime Victimization Survey, https://bjs.ojp.gov/data-collection/ncvs
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From page 114... ...
114 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE FIGURE 2A-3 Proportion of stops for equipment and non-moving violations by agency type, race, and gender, California. SOURCE: Data from Open Justice, California Department of Justice, Racial and Identity Profiling Act, https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/
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From page 115... ...
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN VICTIMIZATION, OFFENDING, AND INVOLVEMENT 115 FIGURE 2A-4 Incidence of actions taken by officers during traffic stops by agency type, race, and gender, California. SOURCE: Data from Open Justice, California Department of Justice, Racial and Identity Profiling Act, https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/
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From page 116... ...
116 REDUCING RACIAL INEQUALITY IN CRIME AND JUSTICE FIGURE 2A-5 Traffic stop outcomes by agency type, race, and gender, California. SOURCE: Data from Open Justice, California Department of Justice, Racial and Identity Profiling Act, https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/
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