Closing the Opportunity Gap for Young Children (2023) / Chapter Skim
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Pages 53-122
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. Building bipartisan support for child care toolkit: 2021 update.
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. Minimum wages and racial inequality.
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. A return to the "Mexican room": The segregation of Ari zona's English learners. The Civil Rights Project.
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Presentation to the Committee on Exploring the Opportunity Gap for Young Children from Birth to Age Eight.
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Child Care and Early Education Research Connections, National Center for Children in Poverty. Available: https://eric.ed.gov/?
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. Measuring the opportunity gap for children from birth to age eight and un derstanding barriers to access: Proceedings of a workshop–in brief.
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. Significant disproportionality in special education: Current trends and actions for impact.
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. Measuring the opportunity gap.
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(n.d.) Start early and close the opportunity gap.
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. Inequitable access to child care subsidies.
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Instead, as discussed in detail in Chapter 1, the committee focused its attention on the opportunity gaps that have resulted in these outcome gaps, and on the historical and structural drivers of these opportunity gaps. In this chapter and Chapter 3, respectively, we review the evidence on those drivers and their effects on the outcomes experienced by young children with respect to early care and education (ECE)
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. The Perry Preschool Program followed a sample of 123 Black children from low-income households through age 40 (Schweinhart et al., 2005)
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. More recently, research has found long-term benefits with respect to schooling or labor market outcomes for a mix of universal and targeted preschool programs, such as the Abbott preschool program in New Jersey (Jung & Barnett, 2021)
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. Research has also identified associations between Head Start enrollment and health outcomes, including better overall health, less obesity, increased dental care, and higher likelihood of having health insurance, compared with non–Head Start ECE programs (Alford, 2009; Puma et al., 2010; Lumeng
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, which used random assignment to create treatment and control groups, found that children in these programs made significant gains initially, but by as early as first grade, their peers in the control group had caught up in their cognitive and social-emotional development. In the Head Start study, however, certain subgroups, such as dual language learners, children with disabilities, and children from "high-risk households," sustained gains made during the preschool year through first and third grade (Puma et al., 2010, 2012)
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. Both of these pathways have featured prominently in the previously discussed landmark studies, and it is important to note that, particularly in Head Start, family engagement and wellness are a core part of the model.
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It also underlines, however, how differences in children's access to high-quality ECE programs and disparate experiences within programs can be major contributors to the opportunity gaps that lead to deficits in later development and achievement. Indeed, despite the well-documented and robust benefits of high-quality ECE, access to these programs has consistently been less attainable for children from such communities.
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The potential for ECE to address opportunity gaps head on is limited by the fact that its history does not "reflect a consistent philosophy or aim to achieve a unified set of objectives" for young children and families (Vogtman, 2017, p.
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Compared with child care programs, Head Start and state pre-K programs tend to have higher standards and compensation for lead teachers, more rigorous education program standards, and more access to public funding, although it is important to note that because state pre-K standards and investment amounts vary across states, quality and access vary accordingly, with some states having very poorly funded systems. Head Start also provides services -- such as health screenings, mental health and dental health supports, and family engagement and leadership programs -- that target the comprehensive needs of children and families from low-income households.
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. Under this funding model, child care programs that are not part of the Head Start or state pre-K system rely on revenue streams that are much less stable and robust, which impacts the extent to which these programs can support and sustain quality services, including professional development and retention strategies for their staff.
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TABLE 2-1 Comparison of Child Care, Head Start, and State Pre-K Programs and Programs Covered by the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) Part C and Part B Section 619 Head Start and Early IDEA Part B Section Dimension Child Care Head Start State Pre-K IDEA Part C 619 Goals for Children State-defined early Head Start Early State-defined early Individual Family Individual Education learning standards Learning Outcomes learning standards Service Plans Plans Framework Program Standards Licensing standards, Head Start Program Varies by state (see Early intervention Preschool services mainly for health and Performance Standards National Institute services for children for children with safety for Early Education with identified or identified or suspected Research Yearbook)
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74 Head Start and Early IDEA Part B Section Dimension Child Care Head Start State Pre-K IDEA Part C 619 Copayment Yes No No, although some Requirements state pre-K programs allow for tuition based on a sliding-fee scale, mainly for families above the income eligibility level Teacher Qualifications Varies by state, but BA in early childhood Varies by state; most Varies by type of Varies by type of generally minimal education for at least programs require BA service provided service provided education requirements half of lead educators; with specialization beyond high school currently, about 73% in early childhood of Head Start teachers education meet this standard Teacher $10.60 (median wage $14.80 (median wage $15.00 (median wage Varies by type of Varies by type of Compensationc of all center-based for Head Start teachers for publicly funded service provider service provider ECE teachers) with BA or higher)
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Eligibility Parents who are 3- and 4-year-olds Varies by state; State-determined, Children aged 3–5 employed, in school, who live under the restricted mainly to including infants with developmental or in job training federal poverty children in low-income and toddlers with disabilities or delays programs whose level are eligible for households, although developmental delays family income falls Head Start, although many states take other or diagnosed with under 85% of state programs are allowed family or child factors disabilities that are median income can be to reserve 10% of their into consideration, likely to result in eligible for Child Care enrollment for children such as disabilities, developmental delays Development Block above that income abuse and neglect, Grant Act subsidies; level; the program homelessness, linguistic however, states have also has categorical background, military broad discretion to eligibility for duty, low birthweight, set more restrictive children experiencing substance abuse, or income eligibility homelessness, children teen parent levelsd involved in the child welfare system, and children with disabilities SOURCE: aSchulman, 2021; bFriedman-Krauss et al., 2021; cNational Survey of Early Care and Education Project Team, 2013; dUllrich, Schmit, & Cosse, 2019.
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First launched in 2014, this model provides funding through the Head Start system to forge partnerships with licensed child care providers who agree to meet rigorous Head Start standards for infants and toddlers. The model relies on layering child care subsidy funding with Early Head Start funding to enable programs to meet the Head Start Program Performance Standards.
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. Here, we review the literature on opportunity gaps in access to ECE programs that contribute to disparities in outcomes among groups of children.
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. With this caveat in mind, the research on family child care decisions based on survey data can be summarized as follows: • While most families believe in the importance of quality, those with higher incomes and more education and those in which parents do not work full-time are better able to prioritize quality over such considerations as cost and location in their decision-making pro cess (Forry et al., 2013)
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The findings also show why it is important to understand the differences and disparities in funding, standards, and policies among the major ECE program types discussed in this chapter. If certain types of families tend to choose certain types of ECE arrangements that enjoy more or less support for quality, the disparate policies across ECE funding streams and settings could exacerbate opportunity gaps during the early years.
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In fact, as noted previously in this report, none of the major publicly funded ECE programs have enough funding to serve all eligible children. Only about 17% of families that meet states' eligibility criteria receive a child care subsidy funded by CCDF (Chien, 2022)
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. Research also shows that Hispanic and Asian children are less likely than Black children to have access to Head Start programs in their immediate neighborhood or to receive state-level child care subsidies (Schmit & Walker, 2016; Ullrich, Schmit, & Cosse, 2019; Hardy & Huber, 2020)
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are arguably the only publicly funded programs designed to advance the early development of the youngest children (National Academies, 2018) , and Early Head Start serves only 3% of eligible children (National Academies, 2018)
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During the 2020–2021 program year, 287,000 fewer children were enrolled in Head Start, Early Head Start, American Indian/ Alaska Native Head Start programs, and Migrant and Seasonal Head Start programs. These enrollment rates represent a 33% decline in Head Start enrollment and a 10% decline for Early Head Start between 2018–2019 and 2020–2021.
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supply of licensed child care providers. Growing evidence reveals the existence not only of child care deserts but also of subsidized child care deserts -- there is shortage of subsidized child care slots in neighborhoods where eligible children live.
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. Families pay about 52% of the total cost of ECE in the United States, making it the only education level for which parents shoulder most of the FIGURE 2-4 Current enrollment in Head Start and state-funded preschool and the number of additional slots needed for universal pre-K.
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In sum, enrollment rates, cost rates, and difficulties reported by families suggest that many low- and middle-income families are unable to afford center-based child care services without public supports. Access to Early Intervention and Early Special Education for Children with Disabilities Another critical aspect of ECE is the identification of children with disabilities and these children's access to early intervention and preschool special education services.
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FIGURE 2-5 Weekly child care costs as a percentage of household (HH) income for low-income households that pay out of pocket, by race/ethnicity and nativity status.
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for a relatively small proportion of children (ranging from 10% to 30%) , pointing to the need for more developmental screening across child-serving systems at younger ages and more frequent intervals, including in pediatric care, child care, and home visiting programs.
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Fewer than 40% of children receiving services in this age group received the majority of those services in a regular early childhood program. A substantial proportion of children received services in a separate classroom, but that number fluctuated by race/ethnicity: 20% of White children, 26.5% of Black children, 28.4% of Latino children, and 34.4% of Asian American children (OSEP, 2021)
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In all, the disparities in access to early supports, which research finds are critical to growth and development, combined with the uneven access to general education settings and the inadequate dosage and quality of the services many children receive, create substantial opportunity gaps for children with disabilities, particularly those of color. In general, patterns of underidentification of students of color have been reported in ECE and in the early primary years (National Academies, 2017; Cruz & Firestone, 2022)
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Recent attention to the contextual influences on disability identification for various racial groups, the consequences of identification and their links to educational opportunity, and recent legal cases offer important opportunities to advance a new generation of research on racial disparities in special education. For instance, promising research directions could stem from the recent Endrew F
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. Notably, while studies document information barriers experienced by Hispanic and immigrant families, the effects of these barriers on low-income White, Black, and Asian families have not been studied in depth Child care subsidies are particularly difficult for families to access within publicly provided ECE programs because these programs have strict work requirements and can be housed in human service systems with other
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, which in turn decrease the continuity of child care arrangements and can have negative consequences for children (Pilarz & Hill, 2014)
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. The study also found that Black and Latino children were the most likely to attend programs that served more children whose families received child care subsidies, that were rated lower in quality, and that received less funding through tiered quality rating and improvement systems, findings that could produce a cycle of perpetual inequity.
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(B) FIGURE 2-6 Percentage of states' populations of 3- and 4-year-olds enrolled in state preschool programs by number of National Institute for Early Education Research (NIEER)
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. Program quality is often categorized according to two interrelated dimensions: structural quality, which includes such factors as teacher:child ratios, class sizes, and teacher credentials; and process quality, which includes such factors as teacher–child closeness and teacher–child interactions.
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These standards are accompanied by a funded system of quality improvement, supported by federal, regional, and local technical assistance. No state child care or pre-K system standards include all of the quality indicators in the Head Start Program Performance Standards.
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Local preschool initiatives differ from state preschool programs in standards and program components, with differences seen in curriculum requirements, teacher:child ratios, class sizes, and teacher qualifications across programs (Barnett & Kasmin, 2018; Patterson & Weisenfeld, 2021; CityHealth, 2022)
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Ratios and Class Sizes A robust literature examines the effects of adult:child ratios, group sizes, and class sizes on child outcomes in the early years and the early grades. Small class sizes and lower teacher:child ratios characterize existing effective programs, as well as seminal early childhood programs with longterm demonstrated benefits, such as the Perry Preschool program (10–13 children per class)
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. Few studies have examined ratio and class size with attention to how their effects may differ for specific subgroups of children, including those in low-income households and those of color, and in turn, how these differences may contribute to opportunity gaps among these groups.
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Studies examining dual language models in ECE programs generally have found that children exposed to versus those not exposed to these models make significantly more gains in home language development, either in tandem with greater growth in English development or at the very least, at no cost to English development (National Academies, 2017; Oliva-Olson, 2019)
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. Closing opportunity gaps in this area will require specific policies to support the large and growing population of dual language learners in ECE systems today.
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For example, only 24 states collected information on a child's language background, 14 states required written plans for how programs would serve dual language learners, 17 states required assessing children in their home language, and only 6 states required staff training in or qualifications for working with these children (Nores, Krauss, & Frede, 2018)
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In 2016, HHS updated both the Head Start and child care regulations to include explicit language addressing exclusionary discipline. A wave of state and local policies followed, consisting primarily of new state legislative efforts to limit exclusionary discipline in public pre-K and early education, and modest executive efforts by governors and state agencies to prevent
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Exclusionary discipline undermines efforts to expand access to quality ECE and does so in a way that disproportionately disadvantages Black children. Addressing exclusion from education via suspension and expulsion is a critical step toward bridging opportunity gaps across the educational continuum, an issue discussed further in the next chapter.
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For example Ulrich, Hamm, and Schochet (2017) found that: • families with higher incomes are able to enroll their children in ECE programs that provide better professional supports for their staff; • children from families with low incomes who are enrolled in state pre-K or Head Start compared with those in other ECE programs tend to have ECE educators with more professional preparation and ongoing supports and better compensation and working condi tions; and • infants and toddlers compared with preschool-aged children from families with low incomes are less likely to be served by well trained and well-supported professionals.
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As discussed earlier, the major publicly funded ECE programs -- Head Start, state-funded pre-K, and child care -- were established for different purposes, and accordingly are governed by varying policies related to funding levels, eligibility criteria, and quality definitions and standards. One of the most important areas in which ECE programs differ is policies related to the professional workforce -- how they are prepared, paid, and supported.
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. Increasing the education levels and professional preparation of all ECE educators can help address the uneven quality of ECE programs (as measured by traditional constructs)
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It is also important that the attainment of higher degrees and credentials come with commensurate increases in compensation and benefits. Otherwise, ECE educators may opt to leave their ECE jobs for better-paying opportunities in public schools, in state-funded pre-K or Head Start programs, or outside of the field altogether.
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• ECE educators in Head Start, publicly funded pre-K, and school based pre-K are better paid than those in other settings (e.g., li censed child care) , although still well below the average of what K–12 teachers earn.
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. Although research shows that access to professional development and training benefits quality, access to these supports varies across child care type and by state.
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. ECE educators in child care programs that are not part of pre-K systems fare even worse.
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. It is important, then, to consider the policies and funding decisions that affect these working conditions, and how well-resourced programs can ensure that their workforce has healthy working conditions, smaller class sizes and lower ratios, access to mental health specialists and other supports to address social and emotional development, substitute teachers, adequate breaks throughout the day, and paid sick leave.
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. Research also indicates that Black, Latino, dual language learner, and low-income children are more likely to be in ECE programs that engage in more individual and didactic instruction as opposed to child-directed or play-based models (Chien et al., 2010; Valentino, 2015)
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The researchers found no differences in children's observed pretend play profiles or adjustment. But they did find that the association between child pretend play profiles and teacher-rated adjustment was moderated by race, such that teachers rated Black children with imaginative and expressive play profiles more negatively (e.g., more teacher–child conflict, less prepared for school, less peer acceptance)
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Recent research on ECE programs considered to be high quality, including programs in Boston and Tulsa, showed higher scores in instructional support in particular (Mashburn et al., 2008; Phillips, Gormley, & Lowenstein, 2009; Moiduddin et al., 2012; Weiland & Yoshikawa, 2013; Yoshikawa et al., 2013; Yoshikawa, Weiland, & Brooks-Gunn, 2016) , suggesting that this may be an important indicator for increasing quality broadly and achieving greater child growth and better outcomes.
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. Strong Family Engagement The divestment that contributes to the opportunity gap for young people is a symptom of a system that does not always reflect the lived experiences and realities of families, which results in policies and practices that exacerbate inequities.
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, the Head Start model has long been an exemplar of family engagement through efforts to promote parent leadership and advocacy and positive influences that parents can have on child development, including parenting behaviors, economic security, and psychological well-being (Yoshikawa et al., 2013)
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Learn about each family's unique background. When these principles are put into practice, family engagement exists as a dynamic, ever-evolving set of strategies for best supporting families in their unique contexts (Wintrop et al., 2021)
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Thus a significant concern arising from the pandemic is the reversal or stagnation of any progress made in access to and equity in preschool, as is documented in the areas of access and funding in the most recent report on state preschool programs. That report shows that the pandemic erased a decade of progress in preschool enrollment in state-funded preschool programs, preschool special education, and Head Start (Friedman-Krauss et al., 2021)
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None of the major publicly funded ECE programs have sufficient funding to serve all eligible children, and families with lower incomes are less likely to enroll their children in publicly funded child care, pre-K, or Head Start. Many of the policy decisions about funding levels, quality standards, and eligibility for public assistance stem from U.S.
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In addition, certain populations are less likely to access publicly funded ECE programs. Quality frameworks may sometimes be narrowly focused on standards that neglect issues and lived experiences that, uniquely or disproportionately, tend to affect children from historically marginalized communities, including Black, Latino, Asian, and Native American children; children with disabilities; children who speak a language other than English at home; immigrant children; and children from low-income communities.
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