From Scarcity to Visibility Gender Differences in the Careers of Doctoral Scientists and Engineers (2001) / Chapter Skim
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Executive Summary
Executive Summary
Pages 1-8
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The share of academic employment, once the predominant destination for new Ph.D.s, shrunk to less than half in most fields. As research funding grew in universities, so, too, did off-tenure track employment, a traditional employer for women in academia.
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In the five broad fields considered (engineering, physical sciences, mathematical sciences, life sciences, and social/behavioral sciences) there were 350 percent more women among new Ph.D.s in 1995 than in 1973.
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Their share was 10 percent and 11 percent in the physical sciences and mathematics, respectively. In the life sciences, women made up 26 percent of the doctoral workforce.
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Both men and women in academia report a shift to research as a primary work activity over the 1973-95 period. In the physical and life sciences, proportionately more women were engaged in teaching.
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The life sciences and the social/behavioral sciences, which have shown the greatest increase of women among new Ph.D.s, have also seen the greatest increase in women's representation in academic positions. This creates a difficulty, however, because academia has experienced very little overall growth in recent years and it may be more difficult for women to attain senior faculty positions than it was for men in the 1970s and 1980s when academic positions were growing.
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In 1995, they made up only 6 percent of the Research I academic workforce in engineering and only 11-12 percent in mathematics and the physical sciences. To the extent that increasing the numbers of the women in these fields requires women as role models, it will be far more difficult than in the life sciences and social/behavioral sciences, where women make up 26 percent and 37 percent, respectively.
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Overall, male doctoral scientists and engineers had about a 20 percent salary advantage over women, and this difference persisted between 1973 and 1995. Although sizeable, this gap is smaller than the gender gap in salaries for professionals and in the labor force generally.
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Equally important, it has not delved into the decisionmaking of the men and women themselves. It has not examined the complex calculus that men and women must conduct as they balance the pursuit of a scientific career with the often competing demands of marriage, children, and geographical location.
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