Women’s Issues in Transportation: Summary of the 4th International Conference, Volume 2: Technical Papers (2011)

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127 Gender Differences in Self-Reported Evacuation Experiences Analysis of the City Assisted Evacuation Program During Hurricane Gustav Pamela Jenkins, John L. Renne, and John Kiefer, University of New Orleans, Louisiana The landfall of Hurricane Gustav in 2008 set in motion the New Orleans, Louisiana, City Assisted Evacuation Plan (CAEP), one of the largest publicly assisted evacua- tions in American history. The gendered response to the Hurricane Gustav evacuation is placed in the aftermath of the evacuations of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Findings from two sets of data, including interviews with Katrina evacuees, suggest that significant gender-based differences exist in evacuation experiences. Women have significantly less access to a reliable vehicle for self-evacuation, making them more dependent on a viable CAEP. Women are also significantly more likely to depend on nonfamily entities such as social service agencies for enrollment in CAEP. Overrepresentation of female heads of households in vul- nerable communities makes lack of adequate finances a significant barrier to evacuation. While almost three- quarters of the CAEP participants for Gustav were satis- fied with CAEP, women were significantly more likely to report dissatisfaction. Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath have become the touchstone for failure—at every level, the sys-tem failed to respond in a way that could have prevented the deaths of many more Gulf coast residents. Subsequently, the measure of hurricane preparedness and response is now compared to the experience of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Within response to disaster are differ- ences by identity including race, class, gender, and age. Hurricanes are complex social events, from the warnings to the evacuation, response, and recovery. At every phase of a disaster, research has shown that women and men react differently to the events (Enarson and Phillips 2008; Enarson and Meyreles 2004). This study attempts to iso- late the gendered response to the evacuation of Hurricane Gustav, which struck Southeast Louisiana in 2008 and put into motion one of the largest publicly assisted evacu- ations in American history, known as the New Orleans City Assisted Evacuation Plan (CAEP).1 The gendered response to evacuation is placed in the aftermath of the evacuation and response of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Gender and TransporTaTion The evacuation experience begins and ends with travel, mostly by car, but occasionally by other means. Travel, like most other experiences, is gendered, meaning men and women demonstrate different behavior patterns. The brief section below outlines how travel by gender emerged for women and men in normal circumstances. Since the Second World War, significant changes have occurred in the social and economic role of women in society that have resulted in large percentages of women entering the workforce and obtaining driver’s licenses (McGuckin and Murakami 1999). Correspondingly, these changes have yielded shifts in how women travel. From 1969 to 1995, women have outpaced men with a growth of 11% in the average annual person-trips taken 1 For a more detailed description of CAEP, see The National Study on Carless and Special Needs Evacuation Planning: Case Studies (2009) by John Renne, Thomas Sanchez, and Robert Peterson. http://planning.uno .edu/docs/CASE%20STUDY%20March%2018th.pdf.

128 WOMEN’S iSSUES iN TRANSPORTATiON, vOLUME 2 (Hu and Young 1999; Schintler et al. 2000). A significant difference between genders is that women have more complexity and purpose of trip making (Schintler et al. 2000), which stems from balancing traditional roles as caregivers to modern roles as breadwinners. Studies that examine aggregate gender differences in travel behavior report that women have shorter average trip lengths (Giuliano 1979; Gordon et al. 1989; Han- son and Johnston 1985; Hu and Young 1993; Madden 1981; Mauch and Taylor 1997; Michelson 1983; Pickup 1985, 1989; Rosenbloom 1987; Rutherford and Gerda 1989; Schintler et al. 2000). Mauch and Taylor (1997) reported that the average trip length for women was 21.8 min as compared to 24.8 min for men. However, women make more trips (Koppelman et al. 1978; Michel- son 1983; Rosenbloom 1987; Rosenbloom and Burns 1993); for example, women make 75% more grocery trips than men (Mauch and Taylor 1997). McGuckin and Murakami (1999) reported that 61.2% of women make at least one stop after work, and 28.3% make at least two stops or more. in comparison, only 46.4% of men make one stop on the way home from work, and 17.7% make two or more stops. A study of the 2001 National Household Travel Sur- vey found that women were more likely to carpool than men (51.5% versus 44.7%, respectively) and less like to ride a bicycle (0.5% versus 1.2%, respectively) (Pucher and Renne 2003). Lower percentages of women biking could result from perceived danger, as women tend to be more risk averse as compared to men with respect to transportation choice (Schintler et al. 2000). This could have implications for evacuation planning, which will be discussed later. Aggregate studies mask important variations in travel behavior among gender, race or ethnicity, and house- hold structure. For example, while women conduct more child chauffeuring and make more household- serving trips than men, single men and women without children demonstrate similar travel patterns (McGuckin and Murakami 1999). “in households with children, women create complex trip chains substantially more than women without children, or than men” (McGuckin and Murakami 1999, 79). interestingly, single women with children exhibit significantly different patterns of trip chaining as compared to single men with children. Among single mothers, 65% with children under 5 years of age stop on their way to work as compared to only a third of single fathers with children under 5 years of age (McGuckin and Murakami 1999). One study found that both gender and race or ethnicity were associated with higher commute times and higher levels of transit use among nonwhite women (Wilson and Johnston-Anumonwo 1995 cited in Mauch and Taylor 1997). Another found that gender variation in commut- ing behavior was greater among whites than nonwhites and that “workplace factors such as income, occupa- tion, and job accessibility are important in explaining the influence of race/ethnicity and gender on travel” (McLaf- ferty and Preston 1991 cited in Mauch and Taylor 1997, 147). Employment for women is more concentrated in the retail and service sectors, which tend to be lower paid and closer to home (McGuckin and Murakami 1999). Mauch and Taylor (1997) found that gender differences in commuting travel time were greatest among whites and lowest among Hispanics; however, the gender varia- tion in child-serving trips during commuting was highest among Hispanics (215% difference), followed by whites (152% difference), blacks (60% difference), and lowest among Asians and Pacific islanders (5% difference). As with travel, the evacuation experience is just beginning to be examined from a gendered lens. Gender implicaTions for evacuaTion Research on “gender has not been central in the field of disaster studies, and how (if at all) such factors dif- ferentially affect women and men is not clearly identi- fiable” (Gladwin and Peacock 1997 cited in Bateman and Edwards 2002, 108). Evacuation planning has been overlooked in the area of women’s studies as related to transportation. A keyword search for “evacuation” and “disaster” yielded no results throughout the proceedings of the 2004 Transportation Research Board’s Research on Women’s issues in Transportation conference. More- over, a keyword search for “women” and “woman” yielded no research results in two recent Transportation Research Board publications: Special Report 294: The Role of Transit in Emergency Evacuation (2008) and NCHRP Synthesis 392: Transportation’s Role in Emer- gency Evacuation and Reentry (2009). The little research that has been conducted on this topic reports that women are more likely to evacuate for hurri- canes as compared with men (Bolin et al. 1996; Fothergill 1996). Bateman and Edwards (2002) summarize studies that attributed differences related to women being more likely to interpret warning signals as valid and accept them as well as to personalize such warnings and have a heightened per- ception of risk (e.g. Drabek 1969; Flynn 1979; Hodge et al. 1981; Mack and Baker 1961). Bateman and Edwards (2002) conclude that women are more likely to evacuate “because of socially constructed gender differences in care- giving roles, access to evacuation incentives, exposure to risk and . . . a heightened perception of risk” (107). sTudy meThodoloGy Two sets of data are used for this study: one descrip- tive and qualitative, the other more quantitative. The

129GENDER DiFFERENCES iN SELF-REPORTED EvACUATiON ExPERiENCES descriptive section illustrates the experiences of the evacuation and aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005, which set the context for the evacuation of Hur- ricane Gustav in 2008. The findings from the qualita- tive interviews are taken from four sets of interviews, two from neighborhoods in New Orleans and two from communities of the displaced (one in Houston, Texas, and the other Baton Rouge, Louisiana). The interview schedules in all four settings included a sec- tion on evacuation. From all the settings, there are a total of 110 interviews. All the interviews were with African-American respondents, 60% women and 40% men. The only section of the qualitative inter- views used for this paper was the part that discussed evacuation. These findings were arranged thematically as they emerged from the data. in October 2008 the Office of Homeland Secu- rity and Emergency Preparedness of the City of New Orleans provided an electronic database to the research team at the University of New Orleans. The database contained contact information for over 18,000 reg- istrants from 7,000 families who had signed up for the city-assisted evacuation. From that database, the research team generated a random sample of more than 700 names for the survey. A survey was designed by the research team and reviewed by the Office of Homeland Security and Emergency Preparedness. Twenty volunteer graduate students trained in survey administration systematically contacted the registrants included in the sample during October and Novem- ber of 2008. A total of 156 registrants reported either that they did not evacuate or declined to participate in the study; another 340 were registered for CAEP, but used other means to evacuate. Only those who evacu- ated were interviewed. Those who were registered for CAEP but evacuated by other means were asked only how they evacuated and to what location. As a result, 364 surveys were successfully completed of people who evacuated by using CAEP. The results were ana- lyzed by the research team beginning in January 2009. This yielded results with a 95% confidence level and a margin of error of 5%. SPSS was used to analyze the data. Cross-tabulation revealed several interesting differences in how males and females reported their evacuation experience. hurricane KaTrina, evacuaTion, and Gender On the surface, the mandatory evacuation (not those that sheltered in place) of Katrina was deemed successful, with nearly 80% of the city leaving. But underneath that suc- cess are a myriad of stories that reveal the trauma of the evacuation and the long-term recovery. Several points of the Katrina experience are salient to understand how the responses to Gustav were shaped. First, while most of the population evacuated, New Orleans did not have an operating plan for evacuating the city. Most residents were left on their own to figure out how to leave, where to go, and what to do when they got there. This travel experience as reported in the qualitative interviews showed the complexity of the evacuation during Katrina. All the people interviewed had some version of a story about the trauma of the trip out of the city, includ- ing one woman describing barely beating the storm as the winds swirled around her car. While the state’s highway contraflow for the interstate system worked fairly well, nearly everything else was left to chance. A 2002 Institute of Transportation Engineers Journal article estimated that 200,000 to 300,000 New Orleans residents lacked access to private transportation for evacuation (Wolshon 2002). Litman (2006) demonstrates the lack of pre-Katrina effort made by New Orleans officials who knew of the problem, but did little to address it; this situation is common across the United States. Nearly everyone interviewed caravanned in some fashion out of the city; in other words, they left with other family members. Many of these family members were elderly or were seriously in need of health care. The tasks for caring for these people on the way out of the city primarily fell to the women in the car, as reflected in the literature. One woman describes caring for her 80-year-old father with Alzheimer’s on the 16-h trip to Baton Rouge (a trip that normally takes an hour). The care for her father along with her husband, son, and other relatives on this trip, without any support, proved almost impossible for this woman. She would refer to this trip as a “nightmare” and as “something she would not want to go through again.” in the same vein, many of these women and men had to find new ways to get their loved ones out of the city. One woman described finding the help that she needed to transport her invalid, and in her words, “very large” mother out of her house. She finally found some young men with a pickup truck who put her mother and her bed into the truck’s flatbed and drove to Baton Rouge. Throughout the evacuation, the response, and the recovery, normal travel was suspended. During evacu- ation and for an indeterminate amount of time after the event, the type of travel that became part of the evacuees’ everyday lives stretched their capacities both physically and emotionally. For example, many of the evacuees became part of the “long commute”—Baton Rouge to New Orleans, Houston to New Orleans, Atlanta to New Orleans. They would come back for their jobs, their congregations, their homes, and their family members. Women who might not have driven long distances before began spending more and more time on the highways. Also, many of these women and men had to learn to

130 WOMEN’S iSSUES iN TRANSPORTATiON, vOLUME 2 drive in new cities and new locations. Over and over again, the interviewees reported that driving in Houston, Atlanta, and Baton Rouge was so much more difficult than in New Orleans. Travel was certainly a gendered experience after Katrina, although both women and men found them- selves in unexpected and undefined situations. While the planning for Gustav ameliorated some of the conditions, the following data show how the experience was still not without its problems. hurricane GusTav After Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, the City of New Orleans implemented a plan that would, in fact, attempt to evacuate the most vulnerable. When Hurricane Gustav threatened New Orleans in August 2008, the city imple- mented CAEP to help citizens who wanted to evacuate during an emergency but were unable to evacuate on their own. CAEP was not intended to replace individuals’ and families’ capacity to prepare and implement their own evacuation. Rather, it is meant to be an evacuation strat- egy of last resort and only for those citizens who have no other means or have physical limitations that pro- hibit self-evacuation. Those who believed they needed assistance were asked to call the city’s 311 hotline and answer the phone survey. Citizens were then notified via postcard with further information about pick-up proce- dures and bus stop locations. Their information is kept in a database for assistance during an evacuation. The city’s evacuation plan had been carefully devel- oped since Hurricane Katrina in August 2005. The revised CAEP was based on improvements and recom- mendations by a post-Katrina collaborative regional network of nongovernmental organizations and private and government agencies meeting periodically under the guidance of the Office of Homeland Security and Emer- gency Preparedness in the years between Katrina and Gustav. in the days just before Gustav’s landfall, CAEP was implemented. in the spring of 2009, the Mayor requested the director of the city’s Office of Homeland Security and Emergency Preparedness to evaluate the program. While the city was not concerned with gendered expe- riences, the data allow the examination of gender dif- ferences. These differences are important, as addressing them through careful subsequent disaster planning will decrease the effects of a disaster on the most vulnerable members of the community. in this survey of the most vulnerable in the city, women, from these measures, reported the greatest difficulty. These responses are by women and men who could not leave on their own, and thus give a glimpse of the most vulnerable and their response to the aid provided by the city. findinGs Overall, there were significant differences by gender for those who reported they were “very dissatisfied” with CAEP as a whole. While almost three-quarters of the participants were satisfied with the CAEP, women were significantly more likely to report they were very dissatis- fied than men. Women Less Likely to Own a Vehicle and Use It to Self-Evacuate When asked the question about how they evacuated from the city, significant differences by gender emerged for those who had registered for but did not use CAEP. While almost half the CAEP participants surveyed reported they did not own a vehicle, more than one-quarter of the males who registered for but did not use CAEP during Hurricane Gustav reported they owned their own vehicle and were able to use it to self-evacuate. Only 16.5% of women owned a vehicle and were able to self-evacuate. This indicates that men had access to substantially more transportation resources than did women. For the most part, when CAEP-registered respondents did not use the city evacuation, they used their networks of family and friends. They left with their daughters, brothers, grandsons, or neighbors. Primarily, residents left in vehicles, but a small number reported flying out of New Orleans. Most of the women who registered but did not use CAEP reported that they evacuated by bus or got a ride with a friend or relative. This suggests that women were far less likely to have the means to self-evacuate, and hence were significantly more vulnerable in an evacuation due to their lack of reliable transportation. Finances More Likely to Be a Barrier to Evacuation for Women A wide variety of barriers to evacuation were reported by those who registered for CAEP. Barriers seemed to affect all participants regardless of gender, yet women were significantly overrepresented in reporting that a lack of finances served as a barrier to evacuation. While on its surface this may seem to point to a need to better educate evacuees that there are no costs for CAEP evacuation— that is, transportation, meals, and shelter are provided by the government—in reality, some of those surveyed reported that this was not the case. Most notably, several reported that there was no food at one shelter, and they had to “go to McDonalds.” Although household-head status was not specifically asked of respondents in this survey, lack of adequate finances may have emerged as a significant barrier for women due to the much higher

131GENDER DiFFERENCES iN SELF-REPORTED EvACUATiON ExPERiENCES number of female heads of households in vulnerable communities. Sheltering Issues More Likely to Be Reported by Women Shelter experiences were mostly negative and were reported at significantly higher numbers by women. Par- ticipant comments indicated that many felt they were negatively stereotyped by shelter personnel. Many resi- dents, particularly the elderly (significantly higher repre- sentation by women) and mothers with small children, felt unsafe. While some shelters made special provisions for segregating older evacuees, most did not. Women’s roles as caregivers may certainly have influenced their experience in the shelter; they were not only responsible for their own safety, but the safety of others. Also, shel- ters often take over the traditional roles of women, so women may be concerned about how these tasks are car- ried out. Men Needing Evacuation Assistance More Likely to Be Enrolled in CAEP by a Family Member There were significant differences by gender for those who were enrolled in CAEP by a family member. While three-quarters of the participants enrolled in CAEP by calling 311 themselves, men were 2.5 times more likely to be enrolled by a family member than women. Women were far more likely to have either enrolled themselves, or enrolled through a variety of organizations that included volunteers of America, dialysis centers, senior citizen groups, Housing and Urban Development, vet- erans Administration Hospital ARC, and home health assistance. Referral by outside groups seems to be an important avenue, especially for women. The findings suggest that men are more likely to have a local support system than women, making the latter more vulnerable during disasters. Press reports indicated that there were long delays in registering for CAEP in the days and hours before Hurricane Gustav made landfall. Telephone lines were overwhelmed. Yet the program had been in effect for several years before Gustav. Data showed that only 7% registered for CAEP through external organizations. in a community made up of largely female-headed house- holds, these women were often faced with CAEP enroll- ment challenges that may have been overwhelming. The competing duties of managing and caring for a household while facing the potential dangers of an impending disas- ter certainly made opportunities for enrollment in CAEP difficult. As the data indicated, women were more likely to have self-enrolled or to have enrolled through a civic organization. This suggests an opportunity for the city to work with organizations such as volunteers of America, dialysis centers, senior citizens groups, AARP, hospitals, pharmacies, and others well in advance of hurricane sea- son to identify and register vulnerable citizens. Women Almost Twice As Likely to Report “No Problems” with CAEP Transportation Out of the City Overall, the transport from the city was met with sto- icism and gratitude. individuals ranked the system as “good” even if the buses were crowded or the train ride was too long. Several comments show the variety: • “They picked us up from our home and brought us to the train station. From there we went by ambulance to the airport and were taken by helicopter to LSU. All our needs were met so i was happy.” • “Wonderful ambulance took me to airport.” When specifically asked to describe their transpor- tation experiences out of the city using CAEP, women reported “no problems” at almost twice the rate as men, perhaps because women without their own transporta- tion may be more accustomed to the vagaries of public transportation. Women Reported More Problems with Reentry Than Men Many CAEP participants reported that significant hard- ships were experienced during reentry, and females reg- istered the most concerns. Again, this may be due to the overrepresentation of female heads of households. Yet although there were problems with reentry in some neigh- borhoods, almost 70% of evacuees rated their reentry experience as good or better. For those who gave nega- tive comments, most included being brought back “too soon” or “too late.” For those reporting “too soon,” the major complaint was lack of electricity and availability of food in their neighborhoods. Some reported a lack of medical services in their neighborhood. For women, especially without their own transportation, returning to a city with lack of services was difficult. Women Reported They Were Almost Twice As Likely to Evacuate for the Next Storm Women and men were just as likely to report they would evacuate for the next storm (almost three-quarters of those who registered for CAEP reported they would evacuate

132 WOMEN’S iSSUES iN TRANSPORTATiON, vOLUME 2 again). Yet their reasons differed. Women were almost twice as likely to report that they would evacuate for future storms due to safety concerns as men. Most of the criticisms related to safety were about the organization, especially the pick-up stops. The concerns of safety are woven through- out the Gustav experience and in other disasters—women feel less safe in these new environments. conclusions and recommendaTions No plan and implementation for evacuating New Orleans or any urban area will be perfect. in the four years after Hurricane Katrina, the city adopted a process of contin- ued improvement in evacuation planning. However, the survey indicated that there are still needs that must be addressed to ensure a more complete evacuation of the city’s most vulnerable citizens. The findings suggest that there are some significant differences in evacuation expe- riences based on gender. Women have significantly less access to a reliable vehicle for self-evacuation, making them far more dependent on a viable city-assisted evacu- ation program. Women are also significantly more likely to be dependent upon nonfamily entities for their enroll- ment in CAEP, relying on various public service agencies. The overrepresentation of female heads of households in vulnerable communities makes lack of adequate finances a significant barrier to evacuation. it also must be recognized that lack of trust remains a barrier to evacuation. New Orleans is not unique among American cities in this distrust. Yet an overrepresenta- tion of female heads of households suggests that women from the most vulnerable communities may be those most likely to consistently engage with city bureaucrats. Trust in government requires the involvement of all the city’s agencies, not just the Office of Homeland Security and Emergency Preparedness. Street-level bureaucrats within the police department, social services, and other agencies often set the tone for the climate in the com- munity. The authors suggest immediate implementation of proactive, two-way communication between citizens and government agencies to achieve a safe environment with regard to disasters. One particularly effective model is Project SAFE (Safety and Future Empowerment). in Oakland, Califor- nia, a local partnership of government, businesses, and private citizens forged a partnership to reduce the costs and consequences of disasters. The purpose of Project SAFE is to ensure that public safety continues to be a top priority and that businesses and the community will be safer and less prone to damage or losses from major emergencies. As a pilot community for Project SAFE, Oakland received seed monies and support and resources from the Federal Emergency Management Agency to encourage loss-reduction community activities. These activities involve initiatives in which agencies could demonstrate their responsiveness to citizen concerns and needs through appropriate and timely action taken by the city in response to those concerns and needs. Cer- tainly, this survey was a step in that direction. (See http:// www.oaklandnet.com/oakweb/fire/safe/project.html for information on Project SAFE in Oakland.) From this sample of the most vulnerable, the authors recommend that planners use information from a vari- ety of sources (Jenkins and Phillips 2008) about pro- viding resources for women. At the same time, it is recommended that planning for the elderly be specifi- cally addressed and commensurate familiarity with their special needs by shelter personnel become common prac- tice. On a neighborhood level, better planning for and assessment of the condition of a neighborhood should be done before returning evacuees. Participants may be given an opportunity to decide when to return home. 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